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The struggles (social, financial and political) of Petroleum V. Nasby

embracing his trials and troubles, ups and downs, rejoicings and wailings, likewise his views of men and things : together with the lectures "Cussid be Canaan," "The struggles of a conservative with the woman question," and "In search of the man of sin"
  
  
  
  
  
  
  

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XXVI. CONVERSES WITH A BROTHER.
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26. XXVI.
CONVERSES WITH A BROTHER.

[1] I hed a brother who left his paternal roof, in 1849, for the
purpus uv makin a fortin a follerin the briny deep. He didn't
make a fortin, however, makin fortins bein a thing fer wich the
Nasby family is not celebratid. He had bin absent all uv the


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time, and hed heard never a word frum his native land. He
went frum this county, and wen he landid at Noo York, he
cum strate to this place. I reseeved him with open arms.

“Josef,” sez I, “do yoo still remane troo to the Dimekratik
faith?”

“Petroleum,” sez he, “I do. Ez wuz resolved in our convenshun
the year afore I startid, I bleeve that slavery is a evil,
and that the Dimokrasy uv Ohio shood use all constooshnel
means to mittigait and finally eraddicait it, and —”

“Hold,” sez I; “times is changed. The Dimokrasy now look
upon slavery ez a blessin; but go on.”

“I bleeve,” resoomed he, “that the settlin uv the question
uv slavery by the Missory Compermise wuz rite; and —”

“Hold on,” sez I; “we repealed the Compermise.”

“I bleeve,” retorted he, feebly, “that slavery is the creecher


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uv lokle legislashen, and shood be exclooded from the territories;
and —”

“Stiddy,” sez I; “the Dimokrasy is in favor uv extendin it
all over the territories.”

“Well,” sez Josef, sez he, “I'm for the Union, wun and
indivisable; that's Dimokrasy — aint it?”

“Yes,” sez I, “with sevral ifs and much buts. We are jest
now, ez a party, ingaged in the deliteful work uv splittin up the
old Union into four parts, as per Vallandigum. Josef, yoor
behint the age. You see, Josef, we wuz for the Union, wun
and indivizable, jest so long ez the Dimokrasy, wich wuz
mostly located Sowth, hed control uv sed Union. In them
days Noo England wuz under. Then things changd. Noo
England spred over the West, and ther wuz danger uv loosin
the controle. To check em, we commenst legislatin; fustly
repeelin the Compermise, so they mite take niggers ther, if
they cood git in fast enuff. That was a failoor. Then we
decided that the constooshn pertected slavery, and that it cood
go ther anyhow. Still Noo England beet us, electin a Abolishn
President, and we bolted, so that we cood git shet uv New
England. And that's wat the war's about.”

Sez Josef, sez he, “Petroleum, to me it doth seem that
all that's left uv the Dimokrasy, to which I wunst belongd,
is the name.”

To which I sentenshusly replide, “It air.”

Sez Josef, sez he, “Petroleum, I can't git it thro me. Ef I
hed staid at home, perhaps I mite hev took these changes
down, wun at a time, but at wun dose it's to much. Therefore,
Petroleum V., consider me owt. The old flag's good enuff for
me, I thank you, and Androo Jaxson wuz about the style uv a
Dimekrat, you mite bet yer bottom dollar on. I repoodiate the
hull on't. I don't like egg-shells, nor nuthin wat aint got no
meet into it; by wich strikin mettyfor I mean to say that a
party that hez dispozd uv its principples, and lives on a empty
name, aint the assosiashen for any body but a low grade uv
ijeots, and a high grade uv scoundrels, sech ez would garrote
the Goddis uv Liberty fer the white cotton nite gown she is
piktorielly represented ez wearin. Petroleum V., adoo.”


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The next day he enlistid. I saw him depart with a bloo kote
on. Ez he haddent a dollar that I cood borrer, I wuz rejoist to
see him go.

Respectively,

Petroleum V. Nasby.
 
[1]

From 1842 until 1848 the Liberty party, which represented the more
zealous anti-slavery sentiment of the Northern States, gathered considerable
strength; in many cases drawing off a sufficient number of votes from the
party in the majority to give the victory to the party before in the minority.
In Ohio the greater number of the anti-slavery voters were from the Whig
party, which fact gave the Democratic party the control of the state. In 1848,
however, the question of the extension of slavery into the territories acquired
by conquest and treaty with Mexico, drew great numbers from the Democratic
party, and developed a strong anti-slavery feeling in the Democratic party. In
that year the “Barnburner” Democrats of New York openly went into the
“Free Soil” movement. In the West this movement became so formidable that
the managers of the Democracy became convinced that they must conciliate
this anti-slavery element, or go into utter defeat. Accordingly at a State Convention
in Ohio, in 1849, a resolution was passed declaring that “slavery was
an evil, and that the government should use all constitutional and proper means
to mitigate, and finally to eradicate it.” Subsequently, when the southern
Democracy demanded the repeal of the Missouri Compromise, a large portion
of the Democracy rose in resistance to that outrageous breach of faith. All
through its history the chief claim of the Democracy to public confidence was
its supreme and unfaltering devotion to the “Union,” against all attempts at
revolution or secession. Thus on all these points it made an indelible record.
The stern behests of the slave power compelled that party to give up, one by
one, all its loud professions in favor of these principles. Those who adhered
to that party were compelled to give up the Missouri Compromise for “Popular
Sovereignty,” and afterwards to yield “Popular Sovereignty” for the doctrine
that the Constitution carried per force the institution of slavery into all
the territories in which state governments had not been established, and in all
states in which it was not prohibited by positive legislation. Finally, when the
rebels struck at the “Union” itself, under the lead of Wood, Vallandigham,
et al., that party practically ranged itself against the efforts of a faithful administration
to preserve the Union. Nasby's brother Joseph, who had been
exiled during the period of eventful changes in the fortunes and principles of
the Democracy, finds that the “Democracy” he left in Ohio, in 1849, was a
very different thing from what he found passing under that name in 1863.