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The Plan of St. Gall

a study of the architecture & economy of & life in a paradigmatic Carolingian monastery
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
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III.1.7

MONKS' LAUNDRY AND BATHHOUSE

CONCEPT OF CLEANLINESS & DIRECTIVES
CONCERNING THE USE OF BATHS

The custom of taking baths, in view of the traditional
monastic repugnance toward the sensuality with which this
practice had been associated in Greco-Roman times, was
always a somewhat controversial issue in the life of the
monks. St. Anthony rejected the use of baths entirely. His
biographer Athanasius reports that "he never washed his
body with water to cleanse it from filth nor his feet, and
even abstained from putting them in water except from
necessity."[84] St. Benedict, with the tolerance that characterizes


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[ILLUSTRATION]

211. PLAN OF ST. GALL. REFECTORY, VESTIARY AND KITCHEN

SAME SIZE AS ORIGINAL (1:192)

The Refectory is a huge hall occupying the ground floor of a two-storied building, 40 feet wide[85] and 100 feet long. The Abbot sat at the head of
a U-shaped table in the center of the eastern gable wall. To his side and westward, on tables and benches set up in the axis and along the walls
of the building, brothers were seated in order of seniority. The layout and the dimensions of these pieces of furniture reflect the most subtle
combination of functional and spiritual considerations.

Except for the center table in the western half of the building (where the youngest members of the community sat on both sides of the table) all
other tables and benches are so arranged that brothers sit only on the outer side, leaving the inner free for servers to place and remove tableware.
Total seating capacity of the hall is 120
(allowing a sitting area of 2½ square feet per person) thus making it possible for the entire community
to take a meal in one sitting.

An analysis of the dimensions of the tables and benches discloses that even in the details of their design careful consideration is given to the
use of sacred numbers
(cf. above, pp. 118ff). Total length of the Abbot's table: 70 feet; headpiece: 4 feet; each of its longitudinal arms: 30 feet,
allowing 12 brothers to be seated on each of these. Total length of the wall benches in the eastern half of the Refectory: 40 feet. Total seating
capacity, 120, reflects the combinations 10 × 12 or 3 × 40.

Whether eating halls accommodating such large numbers are a monastic invention or have secular precedents is a difficult question. Romans ate
their meals reclining on couches; the lower classes and the soldiers presumably ate sitting erect. My colleague J. K. Anderson informs me that no
archaeological evidence suggests that soldiers of the Roman army ate in large mess halls, and the linguistic connotations of
CONTUBERNIUM
(a "hut-" or "tent-companionship" of ten men) tends to stress deliberate fostering of intimacy among small groups of soldiers. It thus seems
that the medieval refectory may have been a monastic invention in response to demands for communal living introduced first by St. Pachomius

(see Glossary, s.v. Refectory) and made mandatory by St. Benedict.


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[ILLUSTRATION]

211.X[86] PLAN OF ST. GALL. REFECTORY. INTERIOR VIEW LOOKING EASTWARD

AUTHORS' RECONSTRUCTION

The entrance to the Refectory from the south cloister walk, left middle ground, centers on the north wall directly opposite the reader's pulpit, which centers on the
south wall. Beneath the pulpit stands the table for visiting monks.

The abbot's table centers on the east wall, a commanding position from which he surveys the community of which he is the ruler, ever mindful of his office and the trast
reposing in him as abbot, father, in accordance with the admonition of St. Benedict, founder of the Order
(page 330). Here with twelve brothers on his right and twelve
on his left, the abbot, with the rest of the community at tables ranged around the rooms, eats in silence. As the mortal body partakes of earthly food, the reader from
his pulpit brings spiritual sustenance of sacred writings, articulated in a voice that is heard throughout the great space.

The Refectory is illustrated with masonry-built walls (for historical evidence, see page 258). To reconstruct a space of that size as stone-vaulted in the Carolingian
period would be anachronistic. The illustration shows a wood-structured ceiling.

We interpret the measure of the Refectory on the facsimile Plan to be 40 feet wide (16 standard modules). With allowance made for wall thickness, it would have
been unlikely to exeed about 37½ feet internal measure, or 15 standard modules—no mean span, yet quite feasible to bridge by a timbered ceiling. The length, east
to west, articulates with the cloister east-west dimension, 100 feet. Allowing for wall thickness, it is taken as 95 feet, or 38 standard modules, which conveniently
resolves to seven bays: a center bay of 5 modules, with three bays of 5½ modules on each side of the center bay. Thus six bays of 5½ modules plus one bay of 5 modules

(= 95 feet) is the basis for our reconstruction of the interior perspective.

Considering that the girder and beam system carried the monks' Vestiary on the upper level, we include curved timber struts supported on monolithic masonry
corbels deeply embedded in the long side walls. This scheme gives an unsupported center span of about 17 feet, with two side spans, each less than to feet, spans of such
modest length as to be commonplace and to offer no structural problems. Seven windows in the south wall, one in each bay, give abundant direct sunlight throughout
the year. On the north wall the six windows that open on the cloister shelter are somewhat less effective than those on the south. A system of wood girders, beams,
parlins, supporting a plank wood floor, invites the use of painting, particularly on the planks, purlins, and beams. Color thus used has amazing power to bring brightness
and lift to a ceiling. With dark evenings and dark mornings of a northern winter, painted color was a simple, but effective, mode to gain light and cheer. All this,
conjectural for a building never constructed, is an interpretation.

E. B.


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his judgment, permitted the use of baths "to the
sick, as often as may be expedient," but prescribes that
"to the healthy and especially to the young" this privilege
"be granted seldom" (Ualnearum usus infirmis, quotiens
expedit, offeratur, sanis autem et maxime iubenibus tardius
concedatur
).[87] During the preliminary negotiations of the
first synod of Aachen there was a strong movement to
revert to the ascetic precepts of the early desert monks,
which culminated in a proposal "to interdict the use of
baths entirely, except when imposed by sickness" (usus
balnei interdictus omnino est excepto quibus necessitas infirmitatis
insistit
).[88] Judging from Bishop Haito's reaction, this
proposal could not have enjoyed great popularity. Refusing
to implement it for his own monasteries, he urges, in
expectation of a clarification in future directives, that "in
the meantime bathtubs be made in abundance under the
supervision of the prior and of the cellarer, in which the
brothers may bathe, individually, and not together, as
necessity commands, and having previously received benediction,
giving relief to themselves in turn and allowing no
access to others" (interim uero fiant cupae balneariae
abundanter prepositi et cellerarii ordinatione factae in quibus
se fratres singillatim et non communiter cum necessitas
exposcit benedictione ante percepta lauare possint inuicem
sibi solatia prebentibus sine accessu extraneorum
).[89]

In its final promulgation the synod of 816 struck a compromise
by permitting the use of baths at Christmas and
on Easter, reiterating the stipulation that the bath must be
taken singly (Ut balneis generaliter tantum in Natiuitate et
in Pascha Domini ueruntamen separatim utantur
),[90] and in
the synod of the subsequent year the matter was given a
new degree of flexibility by a directive that submitted the
taking of baths "to the discretion of the prior" (Ut opus
balnearum in arbitrio prioris consistat
).[91] A further boost to
personal cleanliness and hygiene was given, at that same
synod, by the stipulation that the provost provide the
brothers with soap and ointment and see to it that they
keep these items near their beds together with the other
things they need.[92] The monk Hildemar considers the use
of baths at Christmas and Easter sufficient and militates
against the introduction by certain abbots of a third bath
during the beginning of the feast of Pentecost. He suggests,
that the monks who are engaged in heavy and soiling work
might be allowed to bathe more frequently and reemphasizes
that all baths must be taken singly in a wooden tub
(tina) capable of accommodating one person only. No
monk, in taking his bath, should ever be in full sight of any
other monk, or should ever be seen in the nude on this as
well as any other occasion. Hildemar categorically rules out
the use of "bathtubs made of stone, in which three or two
or even four might bathe simultaneously" (petrinum
balneum, ubi tres vel duo aut etiam quattuor balneari possint
)
and leaves no margin of doubt about the reason for this
precaution; since the sharing of baths in such tubs will
give occasion to "that most detestable crime" (in quo loco
illius sceleris nefandissimi occasio potest esse
) to which a monk
must never succumb. "It would be of little help," so


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[ILLUSTRATION]

213. WINCHESTER PSALTER (PSALTER OF HENRY OF BLOIS, 1129-1171)

BRITISH MUSEUM (Cotton Nero C IV, fol. 17v)

[by courtesy of the Trustees of the British Museum]

Detail of an illumination which represents on the upper half of the page (not shown) the Wedding at Cana at the moment the company is
seated, when the Virgin announces to Christ the lack of wine. The lower register
(here shown) depicts the servants and butler of Architriclinus
drawing the water which Christ will presently transform into wine, from a well
(to the right) in pitchers taken from a tall cupboard; these are
carried up a tall staircase running diagonally across the picture, to the upper story on which the feast takes place. The cupboard is gabled like
the specimens from Germany shown in figs. 214 and 215. It is roughly 10 feet high and internally divided into three compartments by horizontal
shelves.

The manuscript is a superb product of the Winchester School, executed in the scriptorium of the Old Minster or Priory of St. Swithin's
presumably between 1150-1160, and was probably made for Henry of Blois, brother of King Stephen, and Bishop of Winchester
(1129-1171),
who held the great Abbey of Glastonbury in plurality with the See of Winchester. Rich in narrative pictures taken from both Old and New
Testaments, the manuscript combines mannerisms of the Winchester School, so brilliantly exhibited in the famous Winchester Bible, with a
grotesque realism in which evil men are represented, as in scenes of the Betrayal and Flagellation.


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Hildemar contends in borrowing a phrase coined by St.
Gregory, "to fortify an entire town, and yet leave a
passage open through which the enemy may enter."[93]

 
[84]

Athanasius, Life of St. Anthony, see Jones in Medieval Literature in
Translation,
1950, 23: and for the Greek and Latin versions Migne,
Patr. Greca, XXVI, 1857, cols. 911 and 912. Aversion to bodily cleanliness
was not confined to eastern monks. Charles W. Jones draws my
attention to a passage in Bede's Life of St. Cuthbert, where it is said that
St. Cuthbert removed his shoes only once a year, namely for the ritual
of the foot-washing on Maundy Thursday (Bede, Vita s. Cuthberti,
prosaica,
chap. XVIII, ed. Colgrave, 1940, 219).

[85]

nominal measure

[86]

the original drawing in carbon pencil measures 20.25 × 30.50 inches (51.5 × 77.5 cm)

[87]

Benedicti regula, chap. 36; ed. Hanslik, 1960, 96; ed. McCann, 1952,
90-91; ed. Steidle, 1952, 229.

[88]

Statuta Murbacensia, chap. 21; ed. Semmler, Corp. cons. mon., I,
1963, 447, 10. The categorical interdiction of baths proposed at the
synod of 816 was unquestionably a legislative resurgence of the spirit of
fanatic asceticism to which St. Benedict of Aniane had succumbed
during the first two-and-a-half years of his monachate (774-777) under
the impact of the great Egyptian desert monks. During this time, which,
as his biographer Ardo tells us, he spent in the Abbey of St. Seine near
Dijon, his disregard for hygiene was so great that "he never indulged
his body in the use of baths" (Balnearum usus per idem tempus suo corpore
numquam indulsit
) allowing "quantities of lice to flourish on his squalid
skin, they being pastured upon those limbs wasted by fasting (Quapropter
copia pediculorum in squalenti surgebat cute, a quibus ieiuniis adtenuata
depascebantur membra.
") Ardonis Vita Benedicti Abbatis Anianensis et
Indensis,
chap. 2, ed. Waitz, Mon. Germ. Hist., Script, XV, 1887, 202.

[89]

Op. cit., p. 447.

[90]

Synodi primae decr. auth., chap. 7; ed. Semmler, Corp. cons. mon., I, 1963, 459.

[91]

Synodi secundae decr. auth., chap. 10; ed. Semmler, Corp. cons. mon. I, 1963, 475.

[92]

Synodi secundae decr. auth., chap. 36, op. cit., 480: "Ut datam a
priore saponis et uncturae mensuram et reliqua quae sibi sunt necessaria ad
suos habeant lectos.
"

[93]

Expositio Hildemari; ed. Mittermüller, 1880, 408.

NUMBER, LOCATIONS & LAYOUT OF FACILITIES
FOR BATHING & WASHING

The Plan of St. Gall shows facilities for baths in four
different locations. It provides for a bathhouse for the
sick,[94] a bathhouse for the novices,[95] a bathhouse for the
abbot,[96] and a bathhouse for the monks. The bathhouse for
the monks, or rather the "bathhouse and laundry for the
monks" (balneatoriū & lauandi locus), since both these
facilities were combined in the same structure, lies in the
corner between the dormitory and the refectory. It is a
rectangular structure measuring 22½ × 32½ feet, which is
accessible from the calefactory of the monks by a covered
passageway (egressus de pisale); it is divided internally into
two rooms of approximately equal size, a laundry, which is
provided with a fireplace, and a bathhouse with two tubs
for bathing. Both rooms are entirely surrounded with wall
benches, and the round arch over the door that connects
the laundry with the bathing room suggests that the
building was a masonry structure. Figure 210 is a reproduction
of a woodcut in Schedel's Liber chronicarum,[97] depicting
Seneca bleeding himself to death, which furnishes us
with a convincing portrait of the kind of tub (cupa balneariatina)
we could expect to find in this building. This example
could be amplified by scores of others. These tubs may
have been used for the washing of clothes as well as for
bathing. Chapter 4 of the synod of 816 rules that the monks
should do their own laundry,[98] but the aged and sick, who
were incapable of attending to this chore, could be relieved
by others.[99] It is possible that a special entrance in the
passageway that connects the laundry with the warming
room owes its existence to this eventuality, since it would
make the monks' laundry accessible to novices or serfs
performing this labor for the weak and the aged.

That the Laundry should be directly connected with the
Warming Room makes sense, since the latter, as we have
learned from Adalhard, was the place where the monks
hung up their clothes for drying. But the washing room
may also have been connected with the Dormitory. The
layout of the beds provides for an exit directly over the
egressus de pisale.

 
[94]

See below, p. 315.

[95]

See below, p. 315.

[96]

See below, p. 321.

[97]

Schedel, Liber chronicarum (Nuremberg, 1493), fol. CV.

[98]

Synodi primae decr. auth., chap. 4; ed. Semmler, Corp. cons. mon.,
I, 1963, 458.

[99]

Statuta Murbacensia, chap. 5; ed. Semmler, Corp. cons. mon., I,
1963, 443-44.