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The Plan of St. Gall

a study of the architecture & economy of & life in a paradigmatic Carolingian monastery
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
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LAYOUT OF TABLES AND BENCHES IN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE
  
  
  
  
  
  
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LAYOUT OF TABLES AND BENCHES IN
HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

By contrast to this conspicuous disregard for comfortable
standards in heating, the physical layout of the tables and
benches in the Monks' Refectory is sophisticated and most
carefully planned. The designing architect must not only
have had accurate instructions concerning the number of
people the Refectory was to accommodate in a single
sitting, but also must have been fully aware of the precise
needs in linear length of the tables and benches required to
meet this condition.[126] He solved his problem, as we have
seen, by placing two tables in the center, and four along
the walls of the room. The details of this concept pose
fascinating, if unanswerable historical questions, into a
discussion of which I enter in full awareness of its highly
tentative and speculative nature.

The desert monks thought so little of eating (or so much
of its dangers!)[127] that many of them preferred to ingest
their food while standing or walking around. Of Father
Sisoës it is said that he frequently did not know whether or
not he had already taken his meal.[128] Tables on which to
spread one's food, or chairs to sit upon while taking a meal,
were incompatible with this concept and even the comfort
offered by a simple stone or the crude stump of a tree, in
this mode of thinking, was looked upon as a source of
sensuous self indulgence. But when St. Pachomius took the
epochal step of renouncing his hermitic past and founding,
in a desolate place called Tabenissi, on the river Nile the
first systematically organized community for monks, he
furnished this monastery with a refectory where the monks
took their meals seated at tables. They had to do this in
rigid silence, their heads covered by their cowls, so that
their eyes would only see the bowls from which they ate,
and could not stray aside to look at any of the other monks.
Yet no one was forced to come to the table and St. Pachomius,
in fact considered it to be a higher form of religious
attainment if a monk chose to dispense with the regular
food either through fasting or relying on only the slimmest
diet of bread, water, and salt which his superior, upon
request, could allow him to take to his cell.[129]

While many may have chosen these individual forms of
dietary ascetism as the more desirable path in their search
for salvation, in a community whose population reached at
its peak the staggering figure of 2,500 monks, the number
of those who attended the common meal must still have
been sufficiently large to call for a substantial and carefully
planned arrangement of tables and benches. The only
other sphere of life where men in comparable numbers
assembled for a common meal must have been the eating
halls of permanent Roman military camps, with the layout
of which St. Pachomius must have been well acquainted
from the days when he served in the Roman army.[130] It is


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[ILLUSTRATION]

MARMOUTIER, INDRE-ET-LOIRE, FRANCE. KITCHEN

222.A

222.B

PLAN

[after Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire Raisonné, IV, 1858, 462 and 463]

Like the Kitchen shown in fig. 223, this one is a masterpiece of functional construction. A natural fire hazard, this type of kitchen (whether
monastic or secular
) is invariably built as a separate entity a short distance from the eating hall, precisely as shown on the Plan of St. Gall
(fig. 122). From the 12th century onward they were generally built in masonry, often in the shape of an inverted funnel and ventilated by a
multitude of chimneys. The kitchen of Marmoutier has an external diameter of roughly 12m. It had five hearths installed in five niches, each
with one central
(A) and two lateral (B) chimneys. Three further chimneys emerge from the shell higher up in the vault, which terminates in a
large central chimney
(K) forming the top of the building. The stereotomy in structures of this type is almost beyond belief, and in an exterior
view appears to defy gravity. Six arches of the Marmoutier interior support six squinches which, in turn, support a second set of six squinches.
On these, the inverted masonry funnel rides magically on a circle of incredible shear stress.

in this ambient, I presume—the same ambient to which
monachism also probably owed the concept of its wall
enclosure,[131] —that we may have to look for the ultimate
source for both the layout of the Pachomian refectory and
its Roman prototypes and Carolingian derivatives.

When monachism spread to the north, however, the
monastic refectory may have been exposed to another
secular influence, namely the large and festive banqueting
halls that played such an important role in the life of the
Germanic kings and chieftains. In the traditional Germanic


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[ILLUSTRATION]

FONTEVRAULT, MAINE-ET-LOIRE, FRANCE

223.A

223.B

ABBEY KITCHEN

[after Viollet-le-Duc, Dictionnaire Raisonné, IV, 1858, 468 and 470]

A structure of unsurpassed sophistication, compared to which the Marmoutier kitchen (fig. 222) seems almost simplistic. The basic elements are
the same: five niches with hearths for cooking. In Marmoutier these niches were contained within the shell of a structure presenting an externally
smooth and continuous surface all the way to its top. At Fontevrault the niches sally outward, making the disposition of the inner spaces
visible in the form of the outer shell. Buttresses are raised along lines where the niches meet, to receive the thrust of the vault that covers the
center space. The latter consists of a daringly steep pyramid. It is composed of two octagonal cloister vaults, one superimposed upon the other,
the transition from the square of the arch-framed center space being made by squinches with holes for smoke emission. The chimneys are
pencil-shaped and terminate in lanterns. Structurally this building is an ingenious transposition to a centrally planned space of principles
developed by the architects of the great Gothic cathedrals.


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eating hall—about which we are well informed by descriptions
such as that of Hall Heorot in the Beowulf poem[132]
(eighth century; but reflecting a tradition that reaches considerably
farther back) and the realistic accounts of
banquets in the Nordic sagas (ninth to twelfth centuries)[133]
—the retainers sat at tables and benches ranged along the
walls of the house throughout the entire length of the
building. The host sat on a high seat in the middle of one
of the two aisles of the hall, his guest of honor on a corresponding
seat in the middle of the opposite aisle. A cross
bench at the inner end of the room was taken up by women.
The fire burned in the middle of the center floor, from which
the food and the drinks were served. Only on very rare
occasions, i.e., when the number of guests was so large that
not all of them could be accommodated in the aisles of the
house, was the center floor taken up by an additional row
of tables and benches.[134] On such occasions the physical
layout of the Germanic banqueting hall, indeed, bore close
resemblance to that found in monastic refectories, although
there still remained an important difference: in the monastic
refectories, the highest ranking person, the abbot, sat on
the cross bench at the upper or eastern end of the hall; the
entrance was in the middle of the long wall facing the
cloister. This arrangement is more closely related to that
of the later feudal halls (especially well known in England)
where the lord dined on an elevated platform (dais) in the
uppermost bay of the building, at a table placed crosswise
to the long tables, while his retainers sat at tables ranging
lengthwise down the aisles of the hall.[135] The location of
the table for the abbot, "the representative of Christ in the
monastery,"[136] at the eastern head of the refectory unquestionably
has its origins in the Christian ritual, which in
turn was deeply influenced by the ceremonial of the Roman
imperial court. The latter was also the ultimate source of
the exalted position of the table of the medieval feudal lord,
to whom I presume, this concept was transmitted by their
royal overlords, after they assumed the successorship of the
emperors of Rome.

 
[126]

Cf. our remarks on the architect's awareness of precise scale
relationships, see above, pp. 77ff.

[127]

Abbot Prior; see Steidle's commentary on this subject in Steidle,
1952, 235-36.

[128]

Steidle, loc. cit.

[129]

On the refectory and the rules which govern eating in the Pachomian
monasteries, see Grützmacher, 1896, 120-21; paragraph 5 of
Jerome's preface to his translation of the Rule of St. Pachomius (Boon,
1932, 7) and chaps. 29-36 of the Rule (Boon, 1932, 20-22). For the
occurrence of the terms mensa and sedere, see index of Boon's edition.

The earliest monastic Refectory table known to me, if Sawyer's date
of this building is correct (ca. A.D. 350), is that of the communal eating
hall of the Coptic monastery Dair Baramus. See Sawyer, 1930, 324-25
and Pl. VIII, facing 321.

[130]

On the table and table customs in ancient Rome see the article
mensa in Pauly-Wissowa's Real-Encyclopädie, VI:1, 1931, cols. 937-948.
But little, if anything, seems to be known about the seating arrangement
in the mess halls of Roman military camps (see fig. 211).

[131]

On the walls enclosing the Pachomian monasteries of Egypt, see
above, p. 71; on other architectural and organizational features, below
p. 327 n2.

[132]

On Hall Heorot in the Beowulf poem see Heyne, 1864 and Pfeilstücker,
1936.

[133]

On the arrangement of the tables and benches in the banqueting
halls of North Germanic chieftains of the Saga period, see II, 23 on the
setting up of special tables and benches in the nave of the hall, ibid., II,
24.

[134]

A typical example is the wedding banquet in Flugumyr discussed
II, 81.

[135]

On the layout of tables and benches in medieval feudal halls see
II, figs. 339 and 346D; Horn, 1958, 9.

[136]

Benedicti regula, chap. 2; ed. Hanslik, 1960, 19; ed. McCann 1952,
17; ed. Steidle, 1952, 79. Cf. below, p. 323.