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The Plan of St. Gall

a study of the architecture & economy of & life in a paradigmatic Carolingian monastery
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
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ROOF
  
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ROOF

There can be no doubt that the frame of the roof of the
Church of St. Gall was meant to be constructed in timber.
It took two more centuries in the development of western
architecture before basilicas of major dimensions were
vaulted in stone. Since no timbered Carolingian church
roofs survive to guide us in our reconstruction, the details
of the carpentry of the roof of the Church must remain a
matter of conjecture. The earliest extant medieval church
roofs date from the twelfth century. They consist of simple
sequences of coupled rafters of uniform scantling rising


174

Page 174
[ILLUSTRATION]

121. REICHENAU-OBERZELL. CHURCH OF ST. GEORGE (890-896). CRYPT

This view shows the crypt as seen from its entry shaft. Of monumental simplicity and great structural beauty, the crypt is square in plan and coextensive
with the square choir rising above it. It is covered by nine groin vaults supported in the center by four free-standing columns.


175

Page 175
from the ends of a tie-beam and made rigid by collar beams
and an elaborate system of bracing struts. The cross section
of the twelfth-century roofs of the churches of St.-Germain-des-Prés
and St.-Pierre-de-Montmartre in Paris (figs. 124125)
are typical examples.[170]

Although perfectly feasible for churches of moderate
dimensions, this roof design would not have been solid
enough, in my opinion, to safely span the vast interstices
between the clerestory walls of the larger Carolingian
churches. The nave of the Abbey Church of Fulda, 802819
(fig. 138) had an inner width of 17m (calculated by
Vonderau as corresponding to 60 Roman feet),[171] and thus
was narrower than the nave of its Early Christian prototype,
Old St. Peter's in Rome (fig. 141), by only a small margin
(18.80m, listed by Volbach as corresponding to 61 feet,
8 inches).[172] I am inclined to believe that the roof that
covered the basilica of Fulda derived its design from the
same source that inspired the entire building.[173] That the
roof of Old St. Peter's was well known to Frankish architects
may be inferred from two letters of Pope Hadrian I to
Charlemagne (one written between 779 and 801; the other,
between 781 and 786), in which the pontiff asks the
emperor not only for the beams for the repair of the roof
of St. Peter's but also for a magister to supervise the work—
clear evidence of the high esteem Frankish carpenters and
builders enjoyed in Rome in those days. The Pope asked
for the services of no lesser man than Wilcharius, Bishop of
Sens, to direct the restoration.[174]

Carlo Fontana made an engraving in 1694 of the roof
trusses spanning the nave of Old St. Peter's (fig. 126); these
he considered to be an authentic record of the original
(Early Christian) roof of the church.[175] The nave span of the
Church of the Plan is only about one-half (40 feet) of that
of Old St. Peter's, and therefore, would not have required a
roof of such heavy design. In our reconstruction of the roof
of the Church (figs. 108-110) we have been guided by a roof
design which, it is believed, was a standard Early Christian
type, and which, to judge by a description in Vitruvius'
Fourth Book,[176] must also have been standard for broad
spans in Roman Imperial times. Vitruvius distinguishes
between two roof types, one suited for "spaces of relatively
small dimensions" (commoda spatia), the other for buildings
involving "broader spans" (majora spatia). The former,
according to his description, consisted of two simple
rows of rafters converging at the top in a ridge beam and
extending downward all the way out to the eaves of the
building (columen et cantherii prominentes ad extremam
subgrundationem
); the latter was made up of a sequence of
vertical trusses which supported the covering of the roof
by means of purlins. Vitruvius lists the different parts that
make up this frame and tells us that their names express
their different functions (ea autem uti in nominationibus ita
in re habet utilitates
); "Under the roof, if the span is
broader, there are tie-beams (transtra) and bracing struts
(capreoli). . . . Above the principal rafters (cantherii) there
are the common rafters (asseres) extending outward sufficiently
to protect the walls with their overhang."[177]

This terminology is indeed highly descriptive and typical
of the classical habit of defining the functions of inanimate
objects by imagery borrowed from animate life. Cantherius
(a beast of burden) is an appropriate term for the load-bearing
action of the rafters; capreolus (a wild goat) expresses
vivdly the butting action of the diagonal timbers
locked in the center and at the bottom of the king post like
the horns of two fighting goats; transtrum, derived from the
preposition trans (across) is equally expressive of the purpose
of the large crossbeam that forms the base of the truss.
Vitruvius fails to furnish us with the name for the king
post, which in this type of construction rises almost
invariably from the center of the tie-beam to the ridge pole.
The primary function of this post is not to support, as has
been frequently thought, but to serve as a base of departure
for the diagonal bracing struts which prop the rafters midway
in their span, and thus prevent them from sagging
inward under the load of the roof covering.[178] The early
translators and commentators on Vitruvius have interpreted
these descriptions of the two basic Roman roof
types correctly; and such reconstructions based upon these
interpretations as are found, for instance, in Barbaro's
Italian translation of Vitruvius, published by Francesco
Marcolini in 1556 (fig. 127)[179] or in the 1827 edition of
Vitruvius published with commentary by Joannes Polenus,[180]
cannot, in my opinion, be improved upon.

The correctness of such interpretations has recently been
confirmed by George H. Forsyth's extraordinary discovery
of the original timbers of the roof of the sixth-century
church of St. Catherine at Mount Sinai, which is the


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[ILLUSTRATION]

122. FULDA. ABBEY CHURCH

HALL CRYPT (817-819)

[after Vonderau, 1949, 52, fig. 6]

The monk Racholf, under Eigil's abbacy, built two crypts,
one before the western, the other beneath the eastern apse of
Ratger's church. Both were destroyed, the west crypt during
construction of the 18th-century church and the east when two
circular towers standing to its side collapsed in 1120-21. This
apse was completely rebuilt
(1123-1158) by Markward,
presumably in its original form. Both crypts were dedicated by
Bishop Heistulf of Mainz in 819.
(For archaeological details see
Vonderau, 1931, 49-61; for documentary sources the prose and
metric
Vita Eigilis, in Mon. Germ. Hist., Script. XV:1,
229, and
ibid., Poetae Lat. 11, 108.)

earliest surviving example of its kind.[181] But the design of
others, of even earlier date—exhibiting the classical truss
formed by tie-beam, rafters, and bracing struts[182] —is engraved
into the masonry gables of the porches of certain
Syrian churches of around 400 (figs. 128 and 129). In Italy
this roof type survived unchanged throughout the Middle
Ages. One of the finest extant examples is the magnificent
fourteenth-century roof of the church of San Miniato al
Monte in Florence.[183]

In conformity with this well-attested Roman and Early
Christian roof tradition, we have reconstructed the roof of
the Church of the Plan as a trussed timber roof with purlins
supporting an outer set of rafters (figs. 108-110). The proportions
of the Church suggest that these trusses were
placed at a distance of 20 feet from one another over the
center of each nave column, or at intervals of 10 feet, if we
assume intermediate trusses over the apex of each arcade
midway between the columns. Our roof pitch is of course
purely conjectural. Since the Church of the Plan lies
stylistically midway between the Early Christian and the
Romanesque, we have constructed it at an angle of 45
degrees—a pitch considerably more obtuse than that of the
average Early Christian roof, yet substantially more acute
than the average roof of the transalpine churches of the
tenth and eleventh centuries.

 
[170]

After Deneux, 1927, 50, figs. 70 and 71. Deneux believes that the
roof of St.-Germain-des-Prés, as he has reconstructed it, dates from
1044. In volume 1 of the series Charpentes, published by the Ministère de
l'éducation nationale, Direction de l'architecture, Centre de recherches
sur les Monuments historiques, the same roof is ascribed to the twelfth
century.

[171]

Vonderau, 1924, 20.

[172]

Volbach, 1961, 20.

[173]

On the dependence of Fulda and Old St. Peter's in Rome, see
Krautheimer, 1942, 8ff and below, pp. 187ff.

[174]

Krautheimer, 1942, 24, drew attention to these conditions. The
letter was published in Mon. Germ. Hist., Epist., III, 592ff and 609ff.

[175]

On the roof of Old St. Peter's, see Fontana, 1694, 98-99, the source
of our fig. 12; see Rondelet, III, 1862, and Plates, pl. 77, fig. 9; and
Ostendorf, 1908, 77ff.

[176]

Vitruvius, De Architectura, Book IV, chap. 2; ed. Krohn, 1912, 80.
To William S. Anderson, at Berkeley, and Sterling Dow of Harvard, I
am indebted for valuable advice in the translation of this chapter and the
interpretation of its technical terms.

[177]

"Sub tectis, si maiora spatia sunt, et transtra et capreoli . . . supra
cantherios templa; deinde sub tegulas asseres ita prominentes, uti parietes
proiecturis eorum tegantur
" (Vitruvius, loc. cit.).

[178]

In many historically known cases of this roof type, the king post
does not even reach down to the tie beam, but stops a short distance
from the upper surface of the tie beam. This happens to be the case in
the trusses of the roof of St. Catherine on Mount Sinai, mentioned below.

[179]

Vitruvius, 1556, 116.

[180]

Vitruvius, 1827, pl. XXIV, figs. iii and iv.

[181]

A detailed description of this roof by George H. Forsyth will be
found in The Monastery of St. Catherine at Mount Sinai: The Church and
Fortress of Justinian,
ed. George H. Forsyth, Ihor Ševčenco, and Kurt
Weitzmann (University of Michigan Press, Ann Arbor, Michigan,
1974). The roof is comprised of thirteen low-pitched and sturdy trusses
connected longitudinally by means of purlins. Its sixth-century date is
attested by a Justinian inscription in one of the tie beams as well as by
radiocarbon tests. For a brief preliminary description and a photographic
reproduction of the interior of the roof, see Forsyth, 1968, 1-19.

[182]

See Butler, 1929, 199, figs. 201 and 204 (from which our figs. 20 and
27 are taken). The distance and disposition of these trusses can be
judged by the position of the masonry corbels in the clerestory walls of
many Syrian churches. When the trusses were placed at short intervals,
the roof-covering of tiles and stones could be laid directly upon the
purlins; when the distance was great, the covering was laid upon an
outer set of rafters which rested on purlins, as in Vitruvius's broad-span
roof.

[183]

For San Miniato al Monte, see Salmi, 1926, pl. XII; and Paatz, IV,
1952, 225.