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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
TO JAMES MONROE.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO JAMES MONROE.

MAD. MSS.

Dr. Sir,—Yesterday's mail brought me your favor
of the 16th, with a copy of your message; the only
one which reached me; no newspaper containing
it having come to hand.

The view you have taken of our public affairs
cannot but be well received at home, and increase
our importance abroad. The State of our finances
is the more gratifying as it so far exceeds the public
hopes. I infer from the language of your letter that
the contest for the Chair terminated in favor of


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Mr. Taylor, and that it manifested a continuance of
the spirit which connected itself with the Missouri
question at the last session.[15] This is much to be
regretted, as is the clause in the constitution of the
new State, which furnishes a text for the angry &
unfortunate discussion. There can be no doubt
that the clause, if against the Constitution of the
U. S., would be a nullity; it being impossible for
congress, with, more than without, a concurrence
of New or old members of the Union, to vary the
political equality of the States, or their constitutional
relations to each other or to the whole. But
it must, to say the least, be an awkward precedent,
to sanction the Constitution of the New State containing
a clause at variance with that of the U. S.
even with a declaration that the clause was a nullity,
and the awkwardness might become a very serious
perplexity if the admission of the New State into the
Union, and of its Senators & Representatives into
Congress, & their participation in the acts of the
latter, should be followed by a determination of
Missouri to remain as it is rather than accede to an
annulment of the obnoxious clause. Would it not
be a better course to suspend the Admission until
the people of Missouri could amend their constitution;
provided their so doing would put an end to the
controversy and produce a quiet admission at the
ensuing session. Or if the objections to this course

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be insuperable; may it not deserve consideration,
whether the terms of the clause, would not be satisfied
by referring the authority it gives, to the case
of free people of colour not Citizens of other States.
Not having the Constitution of Missouri at hand,
I can form no opinion on this point. But a right
in the States to inhibit the entrance of that description
of coloured people, it may be presumed,
would be as little disrelished by the States having
no slaves, as by the States retaining them. There
is room also for a more critical examination of
the Constitutional meaning of the term "Citizens"
than has yet taken place; and of the
effect of the various civil disqualifications applied
by the laws of the States to free people of
colour

I do not recollect that Mr. Correa had any direct
or explicit conversation with me on the subject between
him & the Gov.t. It is possible that my view
of it might have been inferred from incidental
observations; but I have no recollections leading
me to the supposition; unless an inference was made
from a question touched on concerning the precise
criterion between a Civilized and uncivilized people,
which had no connection, in my mind with his
diplomatic transactions. What may have passed
with Mr. Jefferson I know not.

I find that Mr. Tench Coxe is desirous of some
profitable mark of the confidence of the Govt. for
which he supposes some opportunities are approaching;
and with that view, that you should be reminded


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of his public career.[16] I know not what precise
object he has in his thoughts, nor how far he may
be right in anticipating an opening for its attainment;
and I am aware both of your own knowledge
of his public services, and of your good dispositions
towards him. I feel an obligation, nevertheless, to
testify in his behalf, that from a very long acquaintance
with him, and continued opportunities of
remarking his political course, I have ever considered
him among the most strenuous & faithful
laborers for the good of his Country. At a very
early period he was an able defender of its commercial
rights & interest. He was one of the members
of the convention at Annapolis. His pen was indefatigable
in demonstrating the necessity of a new
form of Govt. for the nation; & he has steadfastly
adhered, in spite of many warping considerations,
to the true principles and policy on which it ought
to be administered. He has also much merit in
the active & efficient part he had in giving impulse
to the Cotton cultivation, & other internal interests;
and I have reason to believe that his mind & his
pen continue to be occupied with subjects closely
connected with the public welfare. With these
impressions of the services he has rendered, I cannot
but own, that any provision that could be proper in
itself, & contribute to make his advanced age more
comfortable than it otherwise might be, would
afford me real pleasure. Of its practicability I
do not presume to judge


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In looking over the bundle of my letters to Mr.
Jones I find one dated in Decr., 1780, containing a
statement of what passed in the old Congress relative
to the proposed cession of the Missĩppi to Spain,
corresponding precisely with my recollection of it
as explained to you[17] I was disappointed in finding
it limited to that year. My correspondence ran
through a much longer period of which I have proofs
on hand, and from the tenor of the above letters, &
my intimacy with him, I have no doubt that my
communications were often of an interesting character.
Perhaps the remaining letters or a part of
them may have escaped your search. Will you
be so good as to renew it whenever & wherever the
convenient opportunity may admit?

What is become of the Secret journals of the old
Congress, & when will the press give them to the
public?

A fever of the Typhus denomination, which has
for some months been rambling in this district of
Country, has lately found its way to this spot. Out
of 14 patients within my precincts 5 have died, 2
only have perfectly recovered, & among the rest the
major number are very ill. New Cases also are
almost daily occurring. I have sustained a heavy
loss in a young fellow who was educated in Washington
a cook, & was becoming moreover a competent
Gardener. I am suffering also much from the
protracted illness of the man charged with my


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farming business, which exposes the several crops
not yet secured to great neglect & waste.

We have heard nothing particularly of Mrs. Monroe's
health, which we hope has been fully restored.
We have the same hope as to Mr. Gouverneur, who
Mr. Hay informed me was dangerously ill. With our
best wishes for you all, be assured of my affectionate
respects.

 
[15]

John W. Taylor, of New York, was elected speaker. The debate
on the question of the admission of Missouri began November 23d.—
Annals of Congress, 16th Cong., 2d Sess., p. 453.

[16]

Coxe was not appointed. He died in 1824 aged seventy years.

[17]

The letter is dated November 25, 1780.—Ante, Vol. I., p. 101.