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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO JARED SPARKS.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO JARED SPARKS.[134]

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,—I have duly received your letter of
March 30. In answer to your enquiries "respecting
the part acted by Gouverneur Morris (whose life,
you observe, you are writing) in the Federal Convention
of 1787, and the political doctrines maintained
by him," it may be justly said that he was an
able, an eloquent, and an active member, and shared
largely in the discussions succeeding the Ist of
July, previous to which, with the exception of a few
of the early days, he was absent.

Whether he accorded precisely "with the political
doctrines of Hamilton" I cannot say. He certainly
did not "incline to the Democratic side," and was
very frank in avowing his opinions when most at
variance with those prevailing in the Convention.


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Page 448
He did not propose any outline of a Constitution, as
was done by Hamilton; but he contended for certain
articles, (a Senate for life, particularly,) which he
held essential to the stability and energy of a Government
capable of protecting the rights of property
against the spirit of Democracy. He wished to make
the weight of wealth to balance that of numbers,
which he pronounced to be the only effectual security
to each against the encroachments of the other.

The finish given to the style and arrangement of
the Constitution fairly belongs to the pen of Mr.
Morris; the task having been probably handed over
to him by the Chairman of the Committee, himself
a highly respectable member, with the ready concurrence
of the others. A better choice could not
have been made, as the performance of the task
proved. It is true that the state of the materials,
consisting of a reported draught in detail, and
subsequent resolutions accurately penned, and falling
easily in their proper places, was a good preparation
for the symmetry and phraseology of the instrument;
but there was sufficient room for the talents and
taste stamped by the author on the face of it. The
alterations made by the Committee are not recollected.
They were not such as to impair the merit of the
composition. Those, verbal and others, made in the
Convention, may be gathered from the Journal,
and will be found also [to leave] that merit altogether
unimpaired.

The anecdote you mention may not be without a
foundation, but not in the extent supposed. It is


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Page 449
certain that the return of Mr. Morris to the Convention
was at a critical stage of its proceedings. The
knot felt as the Gordian one was the question between
the larger and smaller States on the rule of
voting in the Senatorial branch of the Legislature; the
latter claiming, the former opposing, the rule of
equality. Great zeal and pertinacity had been shewn
on both sides; and an equal division of the votes on
the question had been reiterated and prolonged till
it had become not only distressing but seriously
alarming. It was during that period of gloom that
Dr. Franklin made the proposition for a religious
service in the Convention, an account of which was
so erroneously given, with every semblance of authenticity,
through the National Intelligencer, several
years ago. The crisis was not over when Mr. Morris
is said to have had an interview and conversation
with General Washington and Mr. R. Morris, such as
may well have occurred; but it appears that on the
day of his re-entering the Convention a proposition
had been made from another quarter to refer the
knotty question to a committee with a view to some
compromise; the indications being manifest that
sundry members from the larger States were relaxing
in their opposition, and that some ground of compromise
was contemplated, such as finally took place,
and as may be seen in the printed Journal. Mr.
Morris was in the deputation from the large State
of Pennsylvania, and combated the compromise
throughout. The tradition is, however, correct that
on the day of his resuming his seat he entered with

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Page 450
anxious feelings into the debate, and in one of his
speeches painted the consequences of an abortive
result to the Convention in all the deep colours
suited to the occasion. But it is not believed that
any material influence on the turn which things
took could be ascribed to his efforts; for, besides
the mingling with them some of his most disrelished
ideas, the topics of his eloquent appeals to the members
had been exhausted during his absence, and
their minds were too much made up to be susceptible
of new impressions.

It is but due to Mr. Morris to remark, that to the
brilliancy and fertility of his genius he added, what
is too rare, a candid surrender of his opinions when
the lights of discussion satisfied him that they had
been too hastily formed, and a readiness to aid in
making the best of measures in which he had been
overruled.

In making this hastened communication, I have
more confidence in the discretion with which it will
be used, than in its fulfilment of your anticipations.
I hope it will at least be accepted as a proof of my
respect for your object, and of the sincerity with
which I tender you a reassurance of the cordial esteem
and good wishes in which Mrs. Madison always
joins me.

I take for granted you have at command all the
printed works of Mr. Morris. I recollect that there
can be found among my pamphlets a small one by
him, intended to prevent the threatened repeal


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of the law of Pennsylvania which had been passed
as necessary to support the Bank of N. America, and
when the repeal was viewed as a formidable blow
to the establishment. Should a copy be needed, I
will hunt it up and forward it.

 
[134]

From the Works of Madison (Cong. Ed.).