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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO N. P. TRIST.
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO N. P. TRIST.

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir I have received your letter of the 8th,
with the book referred to and dictate the acknowledgement


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Page 479
of it to a pen that is near me. I will read
the work as soon as I may be able. When that will
be I cannot say. I have been confined to my bed
many days by a bilious attack. The fever is now
leaving me but in a very enfeebled state, and without
any abatement of my Rheumatism; which, besides
its general effect on my health, still cripples me in
my limbs, and especially in my hands & fingers.

I am glad to find you so readily deciding that the
charges against Mr. Jefferson can be duly refuted. I
doubt not this will be well done. To be so, it will
be expedient to review carefully the correspondences
of Mr. Jefferson, to recur to the aspects of things at
different epochs of the Government, particularly as
presented at its outset, in the unrepublican formalities
introduced and attempted, not by President Washington
but by the vitiated political taste of others
taking the lead on the occasion; and again in the
proceedings which marked the Vice Presidency of
Mr. Jefferson.

Allowances also ought to be made for a habit in
Mr. Jefferson as in others of great genius of expressing
in strong and round terms, impressions of the
moment.

It may be added that a full exhibition of the correspondences
of distinguished public men through
the varied scenes of a long period, would without
a single exception not fail to involve delicate personalities
and apparent if not real inconsistencies.

I heartily wish that something may be done with
the tariff that will be admissible on both sides and


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Page 480
arrest the headlong course in South Carolina. The
alternative presented by the dominant party there
is so monstrous that it would seem impossible that
it should be sustained by any of the most sympathising
States; unless there be latent views apart from
Constitutional questions, which I hope cannot be of
much extent. The wisdom that meets the crisis
with the due effect will greatly signalize itself.

The idea that a Constitution which has been so
fruitful of blessings, and a Union admitted to be the
only guardian of the peace, liberty and happiness
of the people of the States comprizing it should be
broken up and scattered to the winds without greater
than any existing causes is more painful than words
can express. It is impossible that this can ever be
the deliberate act of the people, if the value of the
Union be calculated by the consequences of disunion.

I am much exhausted and can only add an affectionate
adieu.