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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

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TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,—I have recd. your favor of the 26th, and
have made to the members of the Cabinet the communication
you suggest with respect to your printed
Memoir on the Batture. I learn from the Department
of State that some books were recd. for you, and
duly forwarded. What they were was not ascertained
or remembered. If they do not on their
arrival correspond with your expectation, let me know,
& further enquiry will be made. Meantime there is
in my possession, a very large packet, addressed to
you, which is probably a Continuation of Humboldts
draughts, or other Maps. It was accompanied by
no letter to me, and being unfit for the mail, waits
for the patronage of some trusty traveller, bound in
the stage towards Monticello. A late arrival from
G. B. brings dates subsequent to the maturity of the
Prince Regent's authority. It appears that Percival,
&c, are to retain their places, and that they prefer
war with us, to a repeal of their Orders in Council.
We have nothing left therefore, but to make ready
for it. As a step to it an embargo for 60 days was
recommended to Congs. on Wednesday, and agreed
to in the H. of Reps. by about 70 to 40.[50] The Bill


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was before the Senate yesterday, who adjourned
about 4 or 5 o'Clock without a decision. Whether
this result was produced by the rule which arms a
single member with a veto agst. a decision in one day
on a bill, or foretells a rejection of the Bill I have not
yet heard. The temper of that body is known to
be equivocal. Such a measure, even for a limited
and short time, is always liable to adverse as well
as favorable considerations; and its operations at
this moment, will add fuel to party discontent, and
interested clamor. But it is a rational & provident
measure, and will be relished by a greater portion of
the Nation, than an omission of it. If it could have
been taken sooner and for a period of 3 or 4 months,
it might have enlisted an alarm of the B. Cabinet,
for their Peninsular System on the side of Concessions
to us; and wd. have shaken their obstinacy, if
to be shaken at all; the successes on that Theatre
being evidently their hold on the P. Regt. and the
hold of both on the vanity & prejudices of the Nation.
Whether if adopted for 60 days, it may beget apprehensions
of a protraction, and thence lead to admissible
overtures, before the sword is stained with
blood, cannot be foreknown with certainty. Such
an effect is not to be counted upon. You will observe
that Liverpool was Secy. for the Foreign Dept. ad

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interim, & that Castlereagh is the definitive successor
of Wellesley. The resignation of this last, who has
recd. no other appt. is a little mysterious. There is
some reason for believing that he is at variance with
Percival, or that he distrusts the stability of the
existing Cabinet, and courts an alliance with the
Grenville party, as likely to overset it. If none of
that party desert their colours, the calculation cannot
be a very bad one; especially in case of war with the
U. S., in addition to the distress of Br trade & manufactures,
and the inflammation in Ireland; to say
nothing of possible reverses in Spain & Portugal,
which alone would cut up the Percival ascendency
by the roots. From France we hear nothing. The
delay of the Hornet is inexplicable, but on the reproachful
supposition that the F. Govt. is waiting for
the final turn of things at London, before it takes its
course, which justice alone ought to prescribe towards
us. If this be found to be its game, it will impair the
value of concessions if made, and give to a refusal
of them, consequences it may little dream of.

Be assured of my constant and sincerest attachment.

I understand the Embargo will pass the Senate
to-day, and possibly with an extension of the period
to 75 or 90 days.

 
[50]

On April 1 Madison sent the following message to Congress: "Considering
it expedient under existing circumstances and prospects, that
a general embargo be laid on all vessels now in port, or hereafter arriving,
for the period of sixty days, I recommend the immediate passage
of a law to that effect." (Annals of Cong., 12th Cong., Part 2, p. 1587.)
He intended it as a war measure, but the Senate, in altering the period
to ninety days, made it rather a measure of negotiation.