University of Virginia Library

TO RICHARD RUSH.

Dear Sir,—I have recd. your two favors of the
18 & 20th inst.[133] I am promised a visit from Mr.
Jefferson the ensuing month, and shall not fail to
communicate to him the one you note for that
purpose.

I readily conceive that Mr. Correa,[134] may feel
some conflict in his present position, between his
two characters of Philanthropist and Plenipotentiary;
and that he may infer some indulgence towards
the latter from a respect to the former. He ought
not however to impose on you a conflict between
this kind feeling in the Govt. and its self-respect.
It is both illiberal & impolitic, and necessarily extorts
the admonitions you so gently convey to him.

In assuming a guardianship of our character in
Europe, he committed to say the least, a marked
indelicacy; and his avowed resort to the Press as
the medium of giving information to the public

here, was a still greater aberration. His regard
for our National reputation if sincere, might have
been manifested in a less exceptionable mode, than
in an official conversation. And his consciousness
of the wrongfulness of a direct communication to
the people, is betrayed by the flimsiness of his
apology. A silly reason from a wise man is never
the true one.

The British doctrine of Blockades has given rise
to error & irregularity in the practice of other
nations. In strictness, the blockade notifies itself,
and no other notification can be admitted by Neutrals
who understand their rights as having any
other effect, than as a friendly caution agst. a probable
danger. But even in this sense, the notification
ought to be to the Govt. which may make the
use of it deemed proper. This Govt. has never
formally promulgated the blockades, more than
any other regulations of foreign Govts. The most
that seems admissible in such cases, is to let the
public be informally apprized of them that individuals
may not ignorantly incur just penalties.
In one instance an answer was given by the Dept.
of State to a notification of a B. Blockade by Mr.
Merry, which according to my recollection explained
the sense in which it was recd. and precluded the
idea, that anything short of an actual attempt to
violate a legal blockade, could subject neutral
vessels to interruption on the high seas. Notwithstanding
these views of the subject, I am not sure,
that foreign Consuls in our ports may not have

addressed notifications to our Merchants through
the Newspapers. And it may be worth enquiry
whether something of the sort was not done by
Mr. Onis, perhaps prior to his reception as public
Minister.

It is to be regretted that any difficulties should
have arisen with Portugal, the only recognized
Nation, beside ourselves on this Hemisphere, and
particularly that the most enlightened and esteemed
foreigner among us should be the pivot
on which they turn. It is not the less necessary
however, to make these considerations, as you are
making them, subordinate to the rights of our
Country and the honor of its Govt. As far as
these will permit, conciliation can in no case be
more properly intermingled.

May not the event at Pernambuco, if not caused
by actual oppression, tend to give at the present
moment an unfavorable turn to the sentiment of
European Sovereigns in relation to the revolutionary
Scene in S. America? The struggle of the Spanish
part of it having the appearance of shaking off a
foreign yoke, appeals merely to the interest & sympathy
of those Sovereigns. That in the Brazils,
may be viewed by them as an attack on a domestic
throne; and as adding an example in the New World,
to those which have inspired so much alarm in the
Old.