The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
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MESSAGE TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF CONGRESS. |
 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
MESSAGE TO THE SPECIAL SESSION OF CONGRESS.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
At an early day after the close of the last session of Congress
an offer was formally communicated from His Imperial
Majesty the Emperor of Russia of his mediation, as the common
friend of the United States and Great Britain, for the purpose
of facilitating a peace between them. The high character of
the Emperor Alexander being a satisfactory pledge for the
sincerity and impartiality of his offer, it was immediately
accepted, and as a further proof of the disposition on the part
of the United States to meet their adversary in honorable
experiments for terminating the war it was determined to
avoid intermediate delays incident to the distance of the
parties by a definitive provision for the contemplated negotiation.
Three of our eminent citizens were accordingly commissioned
with the requisite powers to conclude a treaty of
peace with persons clothed with like powers on the part of
Great Britain. They are authorized also to enter into such
conventional regulations of the commerce between the two
countries as may be mutually advantageous. The two envoys
who were in the United States at the time of their appointment
have proceeded to join their colleague already at
St. Petersburg.
The envoys have received another commission authorizing
them to conclude with Russia a treaty of commerce with a
view to strengthen the amicable relations and improve the
beneficial intercourse between the two countries.
The issue of this friendly interposition of the Russian Emperor
and this pacific manifestation on the part of the United
States time only can decide. That the sentiments of Great
Britain toward that Sovereign will have procured an acceptance
of his offered mediation must be presumed. That no
adequate motives exist to prefer a continuance of war with
the United States to the terms on which they are willing to
close it is certain. The British cabinet also must be sensible
that, with respect to the important question of impressment,
on which the war so essentially turns, a search for or seizure
of British persons or property on board neutral vessels on the
high seas is not a belligerent right derived from the law of
nations, and it is obvious that no visit or search or use of force
for any purpose on board the vessels of one independent
power on the high seas can in war or peace be sanctioned by
the laws or authority of another power. It is equally obvious
that, for the purpose of preserving to each State its seafaring
members, by excluding them from the vessels of the other,
the mode heretofore proposed by the United States and now
enacted by them as an article of municipal policy, can not for
a moment be compared with the mode practiced by Great
Britain without a conviction of its title to preference, inasmuch
as the latter leaves the discrimination between the
mariners of the two nations to officers exposed by unavoidable
bias as well as by a defect of evidence to a wrong decision,
under circumstances precluding for the most part the enforcement
of controlling penalties, and where a wrong decision,
besides the irreparable violation of the sacred rights of persons,
might frustrate the plans and profits of entire voyages; whereas
the mode assumed by the United States guards with studied
fairness and efficacy against errors in such cases and avoids
the effect of casual errors on the safety of navigation and the
success of mercantile expeditions.
If the reasonableness of expectations drawn from these
considerations could guarantee their fulfillment a just peace
would not be distant. But it becomes the wisdom of the
rather the indispensable obligation, of adapting its measures
to the supposition that the only course to that happy event
is in the vigorous employment of the resources of war. And
painful as the reflection is, this duty is particularly enforced
by the spirit and manner in which the war continues to be
waged by the enemy, who, uninfluenced by the unvaried
examples of humanity set them, are adding to the savage fury
of it on one frontier a system of plunder and conflagration on
the other, equally forbidden by respect for national character
and by the established rules of civilized warfare.
As an encouragement to persevering and invigorated exertions
to bring the contest to a happy result, I have the satisfaction
of being able to appeal to the auspicious progress of
our arms, both by land and on the water.
In continuation of the brilliant achievements of our infant
Navy, a signal triumph has been gained by Captain Lawrence
and his companions in the Hornet sloop of war, which destroyed
a British sloop of war, with a celerity so unexampled,
and with a slaughter of the enemy so disproportionate to the
loss in the Hornet, as to claim for the conquerors the highest
praise, and the full recompense provided by Congress in preceding
cases. Our public ships of war in general, as well as
the private armed vessels, have continued also their activity
and success against the commerce of the enemy, and, by
their vigilance and address, have greatly frustrated the efforts
of the hostile squadrons distributed along our coasts, to intercept
them in returning into port, and resuming their cruises.
The augmentation of our Naval force, as authorized at the
last session of Congress, is in progress. On the Lakes our
superiority is near at hand, where it is not already established.
The events of the campaign, so far as they are known to us,
furnish matter of congratulation, and show that, under a wise
organization and efficient direction, the Army is destined to a
glory not less brilliant than that which already encircles the
Navy. The attack and capture of York is, in that quarter,
frontier, the issue of the late siege of Fort Meigs leaves us
nothing to regret but a single act of inconsiderate valor.
The provisions last made for filling the ranks, and enlarging
the staff of the Army, have had the best effects. It will be
for the consideration of Congress, whether other provisions,
depending on their authority, may not still further improve
the Military Establishment and the means of defence.
The sudden death of the distinguished citizen who represented
the United States in France, without any special arrangements
by him for such a contingency, has left us without
the expected sequel to his last communications: nor has the
French Government taken any measures for bringing the
depending negotiations to a conclusion, through its representative
in the United States. This failure adds to delays before
so unreasonably spun out. A successor to our deceased
Minister has been appointed, and is ready to proceed on his
mission: the course which he will pursue in fulfilling it, is that
prescribed by a steady regard to the true interests of the
United States, which equally avoids an abandonment of their
just demands, and a connexion of their fortunes with the
systems of other Powers.
The receipts in the Treasury, from the 1st of October to the
31st day of March last, including the sums received on account
of Treasury notes, and of the loans authorized by the acts of
the last and preceding sessions of Congress, have amounted
to fifteen millions four hundred and twelve thousand dollars.
The expenditures during the same period amounted to fifteen
millions nine hundred and twenty thousand dollars, and left
in the Treasury, on the 1st of April, the sum of one million
eight hundred and fifty-seven thousand dollars. The loan of
sixteen millions of dollars, authorized by the act of the 8th of
February last, has been contracted for. Of that sum more
than a million of dollars has been paid into the Treasury, prior
to the 1st of April, and formed a part of the receipts as above
stated. The remainder of that loan, amounting to near
dollars authorized to be issued in Treasury notes, and the
estimated receipts from the customs and the sales of public
lands, amounting to nine millions three hundred thousand
dollars, and making in the whole twenty-nine millions three
hundred thousand dollars to be received during the last nine
months of the present year, will be necessary to meet the expenditures
already authorized, and the engagements contracted
in relation to the public debt. These engagements
amount during that period to ten millions five hundred thousand
dollars, which, with near one million for the civil, miscellaneous,
and diplomatic expenses, both foreign and domestic,
and seventeen millions eight hundred thousand dollars for
the military and naval expenditures, including the ships of war
building and to be built, will leave a sum in the Treasury at
the end of the present year equal to that on the first of April
last. A part of this sum may be considered as a resource for
defraying any extraordinary expenses already authorized by
law, beyond the sums above estimated; and a further resource
for any emergency may be found in the sum of one million of
dollar, the loan of which to the United States has been authorized
by the State of Pennsylvania, but which has not yet been
brought into effect.
This view of our finances, whilst it shows that due provision
has been made for the expenses of the current year,
shows, at the same time, by the limited amount of the actual
revenue, and the dependence on loans, the necessity of providing
more adequately for the future supplies of the Treasury.
This can be best done by a well digested system of internal
revenue, in aid of existing sources; which will have the effect,
both of abridging the amount of necessary loans, and on that
account, as well as by placing the public credit on a more
satisfactory basis, of improving the terms on which loans
may be obtained. The loan of sixteen millions was not contracted
for at a less interest than about seven and a half per
cent., and, although other causes may have had an agency,
and less precarious revenue, a lower rate of interest
might have sufficed. A longer postponement of this advantage
could not fail to have a still greater influence on future loans.
In recommending to the National Legislature this resort
to additional taxes, I feel great satisfaction in the assurance,
that our constituents, who have already displayed so much
zeal and firmness in the cause of their country, will cheerfully
give any other proof of their patriotism which it calls for.
Happily, no people, with local and transitory exceptions,
never to be wholly avoided, are more able than the people of
the United States to spare for the public wants a portion of
their private means, whether regard be had to the ordinary
profits of industry, or the ordinary price of subsistence in our
country, compared with those in any other. And in no case
could stronger reasons be felt for yielding the requisite contributions.
By rendering the public resources certain, and
commensurate to the public exigencies, the constituted authorities
will be able to prosecute the war the more rapidly to
its proper issue; every hostile hope, founded on a calculated
failure of our resources, will be cut off; and by adding to the
evidence of bravery and skill, in combats on the ocean and
the land, an alacrity in supplying the treasure necessary to
give them their fullest effect, and demonstrating to the world
the public energy which our political institutions combine,
with the personal liberty distinguishing them, the best security
will be provided against future enterprises on the rights or
the peace of the nation.
The contest in which the United States are engaged, appeals
for its support to every motive that can animate an uncorrupted
and enlightened people; to the love of country; to the
pride of liberty; to an emulation of the glorious founders of
their independence, by a successful vindication of its violated
attributes; to the gratitude and sympathy which demand
security from the most degrading wrongs of a class of citizens,
who have proved themselves so worthy of the protection of
to the sacred obligation of transmitting entire, to future
generations, that precious patrimony of national rights and
independence which is held in trust by the present, from the
goodness of Divine Providence.
Being aware of the inconveniences to which a protracted
session, at this season, would be liable, I limit the present communication
to objects of primary importance. In special
messages which may ensue, regard will be had to the same
consideration.
| The writings of James Madison, | |