University of Virginia Library

TO JOHN ARMSTRONG.

Since my last letter of which Lt. Lewis was the bearer, I
have received your several letters of 27 Decr, 22 Jany, 15 &
17 February, with their respective inclosures.

That of the 15th Jany. from Mr. Champagny to you has,
as you will see by the papers herewith sent, produced all the
sensations here, which the spirit and stile of it were calculated
to excite in minds alive to the interests and honor of the
nation. To present to the United States the alternative of
bending to the views of France against her enemy, or of incurring
a confiscation of all the property of their Citizens

carried into the French prize Courts, implied that they were
susceptible of impressions by which no independent and
honorable nation can be guided; and to prejudge and pronounce
for them the effect which the conduct of another
nation ought to have on their Councils and course of proceeding,
had the air at least of an assumed authority, not
less irritating to the public feelings. In these lights the
President makes it your duty to present to the French Government
the contents of Mr. Champagny's letter; taking care, as
your discretion will doubtless suggest, that whilst you make
that Government sensible of the offensive tone employed you
leave the way open for friendly and respectful explanations
if there be a disposition to offer them; and for a decision here
on any reply which may be of a different character.

On the subject of your letter of Feby. 15th and its inclosures,
the sentiments of the President prescribe that the
French Government be assured of the full justice he does to
the manner in which the wishes of the Emperor are disclosed
for an accession of the U. States to the War against England,
as an inducement to which his interposition would be employed
with Spain to obtain for them the Floridas. But that
the United States having chosen as the basis of their policy a
fair and sincere neutrality among the contending powers, they
are disposed to adhere to it as long as their essential interests
will permit; and are more especially disinclined to become a
party to the complicated and general warfare which agitates
another quarter of the Globe for the purpose of obtaining a
separate and particular object, however interesting to them.
It may be intimated at the same time, that in the event of
such a crisis as will demand from the United States a precautionary
occupation of the Floridas against the hostile
designs of Great Britain, it will be recollected with satisfaction
that the measure had been contemplated with approbation
by His Imperial Majesty.

An immediate seizure of the Floridas, according to your
suggestion, would not have his approbation, or perhaps even

acquiescence, as may be inferred from the final explanation
of Mr. Champagny, namely that it was in the case of an attack
on those provinces by Great Britain, and then for their defence
only, that the march of American troops into them
would not be disagreeable to the Emperor.

Congress closed their Session on the 25 ult. For a general
view of their proceedings, I refer to the series of Newspapers
heretofore and now forwarded, and to other prints which are
added. Among their Acts of Chief importance is that which
vests in the President an authority to suspend in whole or in
part the Embargo laws.

The conditions on which the suspending authority is to
be exercised will engage your particular attention. They
appeal equally to the justice and the policy of the two great
belligerent powers now emulating each other in violation of
both. The President counts on your best endeavors to give
to this appeal all the effect possible with the French Government.
Mr. Pinkney will be doing the same with that of Great
Britain. The relation in which a recall of its retaliating
decrees by either power, will place the United States to the
other is obvious; and ought to be a motive to the measure
proportioned to the desire which has been manifested by each,
to produce collisions between the U. States and its adversary
and which must be equally felt by each to avoid one with
itself.

Should wiser Councils or increasing distresses induce Great
Britain to revoke her impolite [impolitic?] orders against
neutral commerce, and thereby prepare the way for a removal
of the Embargo as it applies to her, France could not persist
in the illegal part of her decrees, if she does not mean to force
a contest with the United States. On the other hand should
she set the example of revocation Great Britain would be
obliged, either by following it, to restore to France the full
benefit of neutral trade which she needs, or by persevering in
her obnoxious orders after the pretext for them had ceased,
to render collisions with the United States inevitable. In

every point of view therefore, it is so clearly the sound policy
of France to rescind so much at least of her decrees as trespass
on neutral rights, and particularly to be the first in taking
the retrograde step, that it cannot be unreasonable to expect
that it will be immediately taken.

The repeal of her decrees is the more to be expected, above
all if Great Britain should repeal or be likely to repeal hers,
as the plan of the original decree at Berlin did not extend to
a violation of the freedom of the seas, and was restricted to a
municipal operation nearly an entire year, notwithstanding
the illegal British orders of Jany, 1807; and as a return of
France to that restricted scope of her plan, would so immaterially
diminish its operation against the British commerce,
that operation being so completely in the power of
France on land, and so little in her power on the high seas.

But altho' we cannot of right demand from France more
than a repeal of so much of her decrees as violate the freedom
of the seas, and a great point will be gained by a repeal of that
part of them, yet as it may not have the effect of inducing a
repeal of the whole illegal system of the British Government
which may seek pretexts; or plead a necessity for counteracting
the unprecedented and formidable mode of warfare
practiced against her, it will be desirable that as little room
as possible should be left for this remaining danger to the
tranquil enjoyment of our commercial rights.

In whatever degree the French Government may be led to
change its system, you will lose no time in transmitting the
information to this Department and to Mr. Pinkney, and by
hired conveyances, if necessary. A correspondent instruction
is given to Mr. Pinkney.

It is of the greatest importance that you should receive
from each other the earliest notice of any relaxations, as each
Government is under a pledge to follow such an example by
the other. And it is not of less importance that the President
or Congress should be acquainted with the facts, that
the proceedings here may be accommodated to them.

That you may know the grounds on which the British
orders of Novr. have been arraigned by this Government, I
inclose a copy of the answer to Mr. Erskine's note communicating
them; a copy of the note being also inclosed.

The other documents communicated will put you in full
possession of the relations of the U. States with Great Britain,
as resulting from the issue of our general negotiations, and
from that of the Mission of Mr. Rose.

The letter from the King of Westphalia to the President
having passed thro' your hands, the answer is herewith inclosed
to be forwarded by you.

I learn from the Treasury that no delay arises in settling
your ordinary accounts, but from that in receiving the Bankers
accounts connected with them. Mr. Gallatin tells me that
the accounts under the Louisiana Convention have not yet
been taken up, but will be in a few days.

This dispatch is forwarded by Mr. Baker, who takes his
passage from Baltimore, in a vessel engaged as was the Osage
which sailed from New York, for the special purpose of public
and mercantile correspondences with Europe. She will proceed
in the first instance to L'Orient where she will leave
Mr. Baker, and thence proceed with dispatches for Mr. Pinkney
to Falmouth, where she will remain a few days to receive communications
from him. She will then return to L'Orient, in
order to bring back Mr. Baker with your communications.