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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

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SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

SECOND ANNUAL MESSAGE.

Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:

The embarrassments which have prevailed in our foreign
relations, and so much employed the deliberations of Congress,
make it a primary duty in meeting you to communicate whatever
may have occurred in that branch of our national affairs.

The act of the last session of Congress concerning the commercial
intercourse between the United States and Great
Britain and France and their dependencies having invited in
a new form a termination of their edicts against our neutral
commerce, copies of the act were immediately forwarded to
our ministers at London and Paris, with a view that its object
might be within the early attention of the French and British
Governments.

By the communication received through our minister at
Paris it appeared that a knowledge of the act by the French
Government was followed by a declaration that the Berlin
and Milan decrees were revoked, and would cease to have
effect on the 1st day of November ensuing. These being the
only known edicts of France within the description of the act,
and the revocation of them being such that they ceased at
that date to violate our neutral commerce, the fact, as prescribed
by law, was announced by a proclamation bearing
date the 2d day of November.

It would have well accorded with the conciliatory views


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indicated by this proceeding on the part of France to have
extended them to all the grounds of just complaint which
now remain unadjusted with the United States. It was
particularly anticipated that, as a further evidence of just
dispositions toward them, restoration would have been immediately
made of the property of our citizens seized under a
misapplication of the principle of reprisals combined with a
misconstruction of a law of the United States. This expectation
has not been fulfilled.

From the British Government no communication on the
subject of the act has been received. To a communication
from our minister at London of a revocation by the French
Government of its Berlin and Milan decrees it was answered
that the British system would be relinquished as soon as the
repeal of the French decrees should have actually taken effect
and the commerce of neutral nations have been restored to
the condition in which it stood previously to the promulgation
of those decrees. This pledge, although it does not necessarily
import, does not exclude the intention of relinquishing,
along with the orders in council, the practice of those novel
blockades which have a like effect of interrupting our neutral
commerce, and this further justice to the United States is the
rather to be looked for, inasmuch as the blockades in question,
being not more contrary to the established law of nations
than inconsistent with the rules of blockade formally recognized
by Great Britain herself, could have no alleged basis
other than the plea of retaliation alleged as the basis of the
orders in council. Under the modification of the original
orders of November, 1807, into the orders of April, 1809,
there is, indeed, scarcely a nominal distinction between the
orders and the blockades. One of those illegitimate blockades,
bearing date in May, 1806, having been expressly
avowed to be still unrescinded, and to be in effect comprehended
in the orders in council, was too distinctly brought
within the purview of the act of Congress not to be comprehended
in the explanation of the requisites to a compliance


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with it. The British Government was accordingly apprised
by our minister near it that such was the light in which
the subject was to be regarded.

On the other important subjects depending between the
United States and that Government no progress has been
made from which an early and satisfactory result can be
relied on.

In this new posture of our relations with those powers the
consideration of Congress will be properly turned to a removal
of doubts which may occur in the exposition, and of difficulties
in the execution, of the act above cited.

The commerce of the United States with the north of
Europe, heretofore much vexed by licentious cruisers, particularly
under the Danish flag, has latterly been visited with
fresh and extensive depredations. The measures pursued in
behalf of our injured citizens not having obtained justice for
them, a further and more formal interposition with the Danish
Government is contemplated. The principles which have
been maintained by that Government in relation to neutral
commerce, and the friendly professions of His Danish Majesty
toward the United States, are valuable pledges in favor of a
successful issue.

Among the events growing out of the state of the Spanish
Monarchy, our attention was imperiously attracted to the
change developing itself in that portion of West Florida
which, though of right appertaining to the United States,
had remained in the possession of Spain awaiting the result
of negotiations for its actual delivery to them. The Spanish
authority was subverted and a situation produced exposing
the country to ulterior events which might essentially affect
the rights and welfare of the Union. In such a conjuncture
I did not delay the interposition required for the occupancy
of the territory west of the river Perdido, to which the title
of the United States extends, and to which the laws provided
for the Territory of Orleans are applicable. With this view,
the proclamation of which a copy is laid before you was confided


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to the governor of that Territory to be carried into effect.
The legality and necessity of the course pursued assure me of
the favorable light in which it will present itself to the Legislature,
and of the promptitude with which they will supply
whatever provisions may be due to the essential rights and
equitable interests of the people thus brought into the bosom
of the American family.

Our amity with the powers of Barbary, with the exception
of a recent occurrence at Tunis, of which an explanation is
just received, appears to have been uninterrupted and to have
become more firmly established.

With the Indian tribes also the peace and friendship of the
United States are found to be so eligible that the general disposition
to preserve both continues to gain strength.

I feel particular satisfaction in remarking that an interior
view of our country presents us with grateful proofs of its
substantial and increasing prosperity. To a thriving agriculture
and the improvements related to it is added a highly
interesting extension of useful manufactures, the combined
product of professional occupations and of household industry.
Such indeed is the experience of economy as well as of policy
in these substitutes for supplies heretofore obtained by foreign
commerce that in a national view the change is justly regarded
as of itself more than a recompense for those privations and
losses resulting from foreign injustice which furnished the
general impulse required for its accomplishment. How far
it may be expedient to guard the infancy of this improvement
in the distribution of labor by regulations of the commercial
tariff is a subject which can not fail to suggest itself to your
patriotic reflections.

It will rest with the consideration of Congress also whether
a provident as well as fair encouragement would not be given
to our navigation by such regulations as would place it on a
level of competition with foreign vessels, particularly in transporting
the important and bulky productions of our own soil.
The failure of equality and reciprocity in the existing regulations


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on this subject operates in our ports as a premium to
foreign competitors, and the inconvenience must increase as
these may be multiplied under more favorable circumstances
by the more than countervailing encouragements now given
them by the laws of their respective countries.

Whilst it is universally admitted that a well-instructed
people alone can be permanently a free people, and whilst it
is evident that the means of diffusing and improving useful
knowledge form so small a proportion of the expenditures for
national purposes, I can not presume it to be unseasonable to
invite your attention to the advantages of superadding to the
means of education provided by the several States a
seminary of learning instituted by the National Legislature
within the limits of their exclusive jurisdiction, the expense
of which might be defrayed or reimbursed out of the vacant
grounds which have accrued to the nation within those limits.

Such an institution, though local in its legal character,
would be universal in its beneficial effects. By enlightening
the opinions, by expanding the patriotism, and by assimilating
the principles, the sentiments, and the manners of those who
might resort to this temple of science, to be redistributed in
due time through every part of the community, sources of
jealousy and prejudice would be diminished, the features of
national character would be multiplied, and greater extent
given to social harmony. But, above all, a well-constituted
seminary in the center of the nation is recommended by
the consideration that the additional instruction emanating
from it would contribute not less to strengthen the foundations
than to adorn the structure of our free and happy system of
government.

Among the commercial abuses still committed under the
American flag, and leaving in force my former reference to
that subject, it appears that American citizens are instrumental
in carrying on a traffic in enslaved Africans, equally
in violation of the laws of humanity and in defiance to those
of their own country. The same just and benevolent motives


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which produced the interdiction in force against this criminal
conduct will doubtless be felt by Congress in devising further
means of suppressing the evil.

In the midst of uncertainties necessarily connected with
the great interests of the United States, prudence requires a
continuance of our defensive and precautionary arrangement.
The Secretary of War and Secretary of the Navy will submit
the statements and estimates which may aid Congress in
their ensuing provisions for the land and naval forces. The
statements of the latter will include a view of the transfers of
appropriations in the naval expenditures and the grounds on
which they were made.

The fortifications for the defense of our maritime frontier
have been prosecuted according to the plan laid down in 1808.
The works, with some exceptions, are completed and furnished
with ordnance. Those for the security of the city of New
York, though far advanced toward completion, will require
a further time and appropriation. This is the case with a
few others, either not completed or in need of repairs.

The improvements in quality and quantity made in the
manufacture of cannon and small arms, both at the public
armories and private factories, warrant additional confidence
in the competency of these resources for supplying the public
exigencies.

These preparations for arming the militia having thus far
provided for one of the objects contemplated by the power
vested in Congress with respect to that great bulwark of the
public safety, it is for their consideration whether further
provisions are not requisite for the other contemplated objects
of organization and discipline. To give to this great mass of
physical and moral force the efficiency which it merits, and is
capable of receiving, it is indispensable that they should be
instructed and practiced in the rules by which they are to be
governed. Toward an accomplishment of this important
work I recommend for the consideration of Congress the
expediency of instituting a system which shall in the first


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instance call into the field at the public expense and for a
given time certain portions of the commissioned and noncommissioned
officers. The instruction and discipline thus
acquired would gradually diffuse through the entire body of
the militia that practical knowledge and promptitude for
active service which are the great ends to be pursued. Experience
has left no doubt either of the necessity or of the
efficacy of competent military skill in those portions of an
army in fitting it for the final duties which it may have to
perform.

The Corps of Engineers, with the Military Academy, are
entitled to the early attention of Congress. The buildings
at the seat fixed by law for the present Academy are so far
in decay as not to afford the necessary accommodation. But
a revision of the law is recommended, principally with a view
to a more enlarged cultivation and diffusion of the advantages
of such institutions, by providing professorships for all the
necessary branches of military instruction, and by the establishment
of an additional academy at the seat of Government
or elsewhere. The means by which war, as well for defense
as for offense, are now carried on render these schools of the
more scientific operations an indispensable part of every
adequate system. Even among nations whose large standing
armies and frequent wars afford every other opportunity of
instruction these establishments are found to be indispensable
for the due attainment of the branches of military science
which require a regular course of study and experiment. In a
government happily without the other opportunities seminaries
where the elementary principles of the art of war can be
taught without actual war, and without the expense of extensive
and standing armies, have the precious advantage of
uniting an essential preparation against external danger with
a scrupulous regard to internal safety. In no other way,
probably, can a provision of equal efficacy for the public
defence be made at so little expense or more consistently with
the public liberty.


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The receipts into the Treasury during the year ending on
the 30th of September last (and amounting to more than
$8,500,000) have exceeded the current expenses of the Government,
including the interest on the public debt. For the
purpose of reimbursing at the end of the year $3,750,000 of
the principal, a loan, as authorized by law, had been negotiated
to that amount, but has since been reduced to $2,750,000,
the reduction being permitted by the state of the Treasury,
in which there will be a balance remaining at the end of the
year estimated at $2,000,000. For the probable receipts of
the next year and other details I refer to statements which
will be transmitted from the Treasury, and which will enable
you to judge what further provisions may be necessary for
the ensuing years.

Reserving for future occasions in the course of the session
whatever other communications may claim your attention,
I close the present by expressing my reliance, under the blessing
of Divine Providence, on the judgment and patriotism
which will guide your measures at a period particularly calling
for united councils and inflexible exertions for the welfare of
our country, and by assuring you of the fidelity and alacrity
with which my co-operation will be afforded.