The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
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SIXTH ANNUAL MESSAGE. |
 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
SIXTH ANNUAL MESSAGE.
Fellow-Citizens of the Senate and of the House of Representatives:
Notwithstanding the early day which had been fixed for
your session of the present year, I was induced to call you
together still sooner, as well that any inadequacy in the
existing, provisions for the wants of the Treasury might be
supplied as that no delay might happen in providing for the
result of the negotiations on foot with Great Britain, whether
it should require arrangements adapted to a return of peace
or further and more effective provisions for prosecuting the
war.
That result is not yet known. If, on the one hand, the
repeal of the orders in council and the general pacification in
Europe, which withdrew the occasion on which impressments
from American vessels were practiced, suggest expectations
that peace and amity may be reestablished, we are compelled,
on the other hand, by the refusal of the British Government
to accept the offered mediation of the Emperor of Russia, by
the delays in giving effect to its own proposal of a direct
which the war is now avowedly carried on to infer that a
spirit of hostility is indulged more violent than ever against
the rights and prosperity of this country.
This increased violence is best explained by the two important
circumstances that the great contest in Europe for
an equilibrium guaranteeing all its States against the ambition
of any has been closed without any check on the overbearing
power of Great Britain on the ocean, and it has left
in her hands disposable armaments, with which, forgetting
the difficulties of a remote war with a free people, and yielding
to the intoxication of success, with the example of a great
victim of it before her eyes, she cherishes hopes of still further
aggrandizing a power already formidable in its abuses to the
tranquillity of the civilized and commercial world.
But whatever may have inspired the enemy with these
more violent purposes, the public councils of a nation more
able to maintain than it was to acquire its independence, and
with a devotion to it rendered more ardent by the experience
of its blessings, can never deliberate but on the means most
effectual for defeating the extravagant views or unwarrantable
passions with which alone the war can now be pursued against
us.
In the events of the present campaign the enemy, with all
his augmented means and wanton use of them, has little
ground for exultation, unless he can feel it in the success of
his recent enterprises against this metropolis and the neighboring
town of Alexandria, from both of which his retreats
were as precipitate as his attempts were bold and fortunate.
In his other incursions on our Atlantic frontier his progress,
often checked and chastised by the martial spirit of the
neighboring citizens, has had more effect in distressing individuals
and in dishonoring his arms than in promoting any
object of legitimate warfare; and in the two instances mentioned,
however deeply to be regretted on our part, he will
find in his transient success, which interrupted for a moment
no compensation for the loss of character with the world by
his violations of private property and by his destruction of
public edifices protected as monuments of the arts by the laws
of civilized warfare.
On our side we can appeal to a series of achievements which
have given new luster to the American arms. Besides the
brilliant incidents in the minor operations of the campaign,
the splendid victories gained on the Canadian side of the
Niagara by the American forces under Major-General Brown
and Brigadiers Scott and Gaines have gained for these heroes
and their emulating companions the most unfading laurels,
and, having triumphantly tested the progressive discipline
of the American soldiery, have taught the enemy that the
longer he protracts his hostile efforts the more certain and
decisive will be his final discomfiture.
On our southern border victory has continued also to
follow the American standard. The bold and skillful operations
of Major-General Jackson, conducting troops drawn
from the militia of the States least distant, particularly of
Tennessee, have subdued the principal tribes of hostile
savages, and, by establishing a peace with them, preceded
by recent and exemplary chastisement, has best guarded
against the mischief of their co-operation with the British
enterprises which may be planned against that quarter of
our country. Important tribes of Indians on our northwestern
frontier have also acceded to stipulations which bind
them to the interests of the United States and to consider our
enemy as theirs also.
In the recent attempt of the enemy on the city of Baltimore,
defended by militia and volunteers, aided by a small body
of regulars and seamen, he was received with a spirit which
produced a rapid retreat to his ships, whilst a concurrent
attack by a large fleet was successfully resisted by the steady
and well-directed fire of the fort and batteries opposed to it.
In another recent attack by a powerful force on our troops
after a perseverance for many hours, was finally compelled
to seek safety in a hasty retreat, with our gallant bands
pressing upon him.
On the Lakes, so much contested throughout the war, the
great exertions for the command made on our part have been
well repaid. On Lake Ontario our squadron is now and has
been for some time in a condition to confine that of the enemy
to his own port, and to favor the operations of our land forces
on that frontier.
A part of the squadron on Lake Erie has been extended
into Lake Huron, and has produced the advantage of displaying
our command on that lake also. One object of the
expedition was the reduction of Mackinaw, which failed with
the loss of a few brave men, among whom was an officer justly
distinguished for his gallant exploits. The expedition, ably
conducted by both the land and the naval commanders, was
otherwise highly valuable in its effects.
On Lake Champlain, where our superiority had for some
time been undisputed, the British squadron lately came into
action with the American, commanded by Captain Macdonough.
It issued in the capture of the whole of the enemy's
ships. The best praise for this officer and his intrepid comrades
is in the likeness of his triumph to the illustrious victory
which immortalized another officer and established at a
critical moment our command of another lake.
On the ocean the pride of our naval arms has been amply
supported. A second frigate has indeed fallen into the
hands of the enemy, but the loss is hidden in the blaze of
heroism with which she was defended. Captain Porter, who
commanded her, and whose previous career had been distinguished
by daring enterprise and by fertility of genius,
maintained a sanguinary contest against two ships, one of
them superior to his own, and under other severe disadvantages,
till humanity tore down the colors which valor
had nailed to the mast. This officer and his brave comrades
and have merited all the effusions of gratitude which their
country is ever ready to bestow on the champions of its
rights and of its safety.
Two smaller vessels of war have also become prizes to
the enemy, but by a superiority of force which sufficiently
vindicates the reputation of their commanders, whilst two
others, one commanded by Captain Warrington, the other
by Captain Blakely, have captured British ships of the same
class with a gallantry and good conduct which entitle them
and their companions to a just share in the praise of their
country.
In spite of the naval force of the enemy accumulated on
our coasts, our private cruisers also have not ceased to annoy
his commerce and to bring their rich prizes into our ports,
contributing thus, with other proofs, to demonstrate the
incompetency and illegality of a blockade the proclamation
of which is made the pretext for vexing and discouraging
the commerce of neutral powers with the United States.
To meet the extended and diversified warfare adopted by
the enemy, great bodies of militia have been taken into service
for the public defense, and great expenses incurred.
That the defense everywhere may be both more convenient
and more economical, Congress will see the necessity of immediate
measures for filling the ranks of the Regular Army
and of enlarging the provision for special corps, mounted and
unmounted, to be engaged for longer periods of service than
are due from the militia. I earnestly renew, at the same
time, a recommendation of such changes in the system of
the militia as, by classing and disciplining for the most prompt
and active service the portions most capable of it, will give to
that great resource for the public safety all the requisite
energy and efficiency.
The moneys received into the Treasury during the nine
months ending on the 30th day of June last amounted to
$32,000,000, of which near eleven millions were the proceeds
The disbursements for public expenditures during the same
period exceeded $34,000,000, and left in the Treasury on the
1st day of July near $5,000,000. The demands during the
remainder of the present year already authorized by Congress
and the expenses incident to an extension of the operations
of the war will render it necessary that large sums should be
provided to meet them.
From this view of the national affairs Congress will be
urged to take up without delay as well the subject of pecuniary
supplies as that of military force, and on a scale commensurate
with the extent and the character which the war
has assumed. It is not to be disguised that the situation of
our country calls for its greatest efforts. Our enemy is
powerful in men and in money, on the land and on the water.
Availing himself of fortuitous advantages, he is aiming with
his undivided force a deadly blow at our growing prosperity,
perhaps at our national existence. He has avowed his purpose
of trampling on the usages of civilized warfare, and given
earnest of it in the plunder and wanton destruction of private
property. In his pride of maritime dominion and in his
thirst of commercial monopoly he strikes with peculiar
animosity at the progress of our navigation and of our manufactures.
His barbarous policy has not even spared those
monuments of the arts and models of taste with which our
country had enriched and embellished its infant metropolis.
From such an adversary hostility in its greatest force and in
its worst forms may be looked for. The American people
will face it with the undaunted spirit which in their revolutionary
struggle defeated his unrighteous projects. His
threats and his barbarities, instead of dismay, will kindle in
every bosom an indignation not to be extinguished but in
the disaster and expulsion of such cruel invaders. In providing
the means necessary the National Legislature will not
distrust the heroic and enlightened patriotism of its constituents.
They will cheerfully and proudly bear every
nation demand. We have seen them everywhere paying their
taxes, direct and indirect, with the greatest promptness and
alacrity. We see them rushing with enthusiasm to the
scenes where danger and duty call. In offering their blood they
give the surest pledge that no other tribute will be withheld.
Having forborne to declare war until to other aggressions
had been added the capture of nearly a thousand American
vessels and the impressment of thousands of American seafaring
citizens, and until a final declaration had been made
by the Government of Great Britain that her hostile orders
against our commerce would not be revoked but on conditions
as impossible as unjust, whilst it was known that these
orders would not otherwise cease but with a war which had
lasted nearly twenty years, and which, according to appearances
at that time, might last as many more; having manifested
on every occasion and in every proper mode a sincere
desire to arrest the effusion of blood and meet our enemy on
the ground of justice and reconciliation, our beloved country,
in still opposing to his persevering hostility all its energies,
with an undiminished disposition toward peace and friendship
on honorable terms, must carry with it the good wishes of the
impartial world and the best hopes of support from an omnipotent
and kind Providence.
| The writings of James Madison, | |