University of Virginia Library

MEMORANDUM AS TO ROBERT SMITH.[36]

Having seen in the Aurora of the 5th inst. [April, 1811],

& since copied into other Gazettes, an explanation which the
Editor says he was authorized to make "of the rupture which
has taken place between Mr. Madison, and Mr. R. Smith" I
have thought it proper, whilst the circumstances are fresh in
remembrance, to preserve them in the following memorandum:

On the—day of March Mr. S. called on me, as was
common, on some point of official business. In the conversation,
he alluded to the account in the Newspapers of the
dismission of Mr. Pickering by Mr. Adams, as just published
for the first time by the former. Altho' the manner of Mr. S.
did not denote any purpose beyond the ordinary conversation
incident to such a topic, it happened to be the very day on
which I meant to have sent for him in order to communicate
the necessity of making a change in the head of the Department
of State. Dropping therefore the case of Mr. Pickering, and
breaking its apparent relation to his own by the interposition
of other subjects, I intimated that in coming over, he had
anticipated my intention of sending for him, with a view to a
conversation, which would be as candid & explicit on my part
as it was in some respects delicate and disagreeable in itself.
After remarking that I had delayed the execution of my purpose
for some time after I had formed it, in order that my
communication might have the character of being not the
result of any sudden impulse, but of a deliberate regard to
public considerations and official duty, I proceeded to state
to him, that it had long been felt, and had at length become
notorious, that the administration of the Executive Department
laboured under a want of the harmony & unity, which
were equally essential to its energy and its success; that I did
not refer to the evil as infecting our Cabinet consultations,
where there had always been an apparent cordiality, even
a sufficient concurrence of opinion; but as shewing itself
in language and conduct out of doors, counteracting what
had been understood within to be the course of the administration,
and the interest of the Public; that truth obliged me
to add, that this practice, as brought to my view, was exclusively

chargeable on him; and that he had not only counteracted
what had been the result of consultations apparently
approved by himself, but had included myself in representations
calculated to diminish confidence in the administration
committed to me. He expressed surprise that I should have
yielded to such impressions, declared that he had given no
cause for them; observing that it was not to be conceived
that a motive could be felt by him, to be otherwise than
friendly personally, as well as to the credit of my administration.
I told him that I had long resisted such impressions,
well knowing that my conduct to him had merited a
very different return. But that they were the result of facts
and circumstances brought to my knowledge from so many
sources and with so many corroborations, that it was impossible
to shut my mind against them. I assured him that I
had struggled agst. the belief as long as I could; that it was
painful as well as difficult for me to suppose, that conscious
as he must be of the friendship he had experienced in my
nomination of him to the Department of State, and in the
constant aids I had given him, in discharging its duties, he
should privately set himself agst. me in any respect; but that
what had harassed my feelings in a degree equalled by no
occurrence in a long political life, was the reflection that
there were among those most nearly connected with him, a
number of individuals whom I had always felt a gratification
in classing among the best of my friends political & personal,
& for whom I felt the highest esteem & sincerest affection;
and that the idea of distressing them was most severely so
to myself. He repeated his solemn denial of unfriendly
conduct in any way towards me, or having done any thing
tending to obstruct or embarrass the administration; that on
the contrary, he had been always personally my friend, and
had contributed, as far as he could to the credit & support
of the administration: What motive could he have to be
otherwise, being himself a member of it, and having neither
pretensions nor expectations of any higher sort? What could
have given rise to the unfavorable sentiments I had expressed,
he was at a loss even to conjecture. I told him I was aware of
the awkwardness of my situation, in being obliged to refer to
information and evidence which had come to me in ways not
permitting me to name to him the sources; but I could assure
him that the sources were such as made it my duty not to disregard
them; and that unquestionably, he would himself, in
my situation yield to the accumulated statements which had
their effect on me. In what instances had he set himself agst.
me, or against measures espoused by the administration? I
reminded him of a conversation with Mr.—reported by
the latter, in which he had indulged himself in disparaging remarks
on my official character, & that of others in the Cabinet;
on the general course of my Policy, which he signified he disapproved;
and in which he had communicated certain Cabinet
proceedings, some of which were of so confidential a nature that
the gentleman did not consider himself at liberty to repeat
them. I had taken occasion before to drop him a hint that such
a conversation had been given out, observing at the time, that
I did it not because I lent an ear to it, but that it might suggest
circumspection. He slighted then the report as proceeding
from a source not likely to be listened to; and now
repeated the denial of the conversation, with an allusion to a
report from the same source, as to a conversation with another
member of the Cabinet, where it appeared, that no
interview could have taken place. I admitted that if this
had been a solitary case, it would have been entirely dismissed
from my recollection; but this was far from being the
fact, altho' I could not equally enter into a specification of
other cases. For examples in which he had counteracted
what he had not himself disapproved in the Cabinet, I referred
to the Bills called Macon's bills, and the non-intercourse bill,
on the consultations on which he appeared to concur in their
expediency; that he well knew the former, in its outline, at
least, had originated in the difficulty of finding measures
that would prevent what Congress had solemnly protested
agst., to wit, a compleat submission to the belligerent Edicts;
that the measure was considered as better than nothing,
which seemed to be the alternative, and as part only of whatever
else might in the progress of the business be found attainable;
and that he neither objected to what was done in the
Cabinet, (the time & place for the purpose,) nor offered any
thing in the place of it; yet it was well understood that his
conversations & conduct out of doors, had been entirely of a
counteracting nature; that it was generally believed that he
was in an unfriendly disposition personally and officialy;
and that, altho' in conversations with different individuals
he might not hold the same unfavorable language, yet with
those of a certain temper, it was no secret that he was very
free in the use of it; and had gone so far as to avow a disapprobation
of the whole policy of commercial restrictions,
from the Embargo throughout. I intimated to him also that
it was a complaint among our friends in Congs that the Federalists
frequently quoted him for communications from our
Ministers abroad, which were unknown to others, the disclosures
being sometimes such as to be deemed confidential,
and to be turned agst the administration. I glanced also at
the report of his conversation with Mr. Morier, in which he
(Mr. S) had expressed his disapprobation of the whole course
of policy observed by the U. States towards G. B. All these
facts he repelled by a repetition of what he had before said.
With respect to his motives for dissatisfaction, I acknowledged
that I had been, for the reasons given by him, much puzzled
to divine any natural ones, without looking deeper into human
nature than I was willing to do; and it was on this account
that I had so long resisted the impression which had at length
been made on me; that instead of having any just motives to
become an adversary, I knew, and he must be conscious, that
in my confidential intercourse with him, in my kindness in
general, and, above all, in the labor I had taken upon myself
in behalf of his official duties, and for his credit, as well as
that of the administration, I ought to have found an opposite
return. On this subject as well as every other, I told him, I
meant as I ought to be entirely frank, and must therefore say,
that it was an imperious consideration for a change in the
Departmt. of State, that whatever talents he might possess,
he did not as he must have found by experience, possess those
adapted to his station; that this had thrown the business more
into my hands than was proper, or consistent with my own
duties; that as long as I considered him in the light I once did,
I had cheerfully given him my aid, but that it was too much
to be expected under actual circumstances, and that moreover,
the increase of the public business had put it out of my power
to do his share as well as my own; and that indeed throughout
it was not done as well as might have been by a mind appropriated
thereto. I observed that I could appeal to himself
for the fact that the business of the Dept. had not been conducted
in the systematic and punctual manner which was
necessary, particularly in the foreign correspondence, and
that I had become daily more dissatisfied with it. He did
not admit that complaint was well founded; intimating that
I had a particular way of thinking on this subject, and that
his conduct of the business would fully justify itself on examination.
I told him he could not but be in a great error; reminding
him of the condition in which his correspondence,
more particularly, was brought to me; which was almost always
so crude & inadequate, that I was in the more important cases
generally obliged to write them anew myself, under the disadvantage
sometimes of retaining, thro' delicacy some mixture
of his draft; that he must recollect that in the cases of Erskine
& Jackson, the correspondence on his part had in a manner,
fallen entirely on my hands. I reminded him also of important
failures to make seasonable communications to our
foreign Agents; particularizing the case of neglecting, tho'
repeatedly desired, to make known to our Minister at Paris,
as was done to our Minister at London, that in case the letter
of the Duke de Cadore of Aug. 5, to Genl. Armstrong as reaching
us through English newspapers, should be officially confirmed,
it would be the ground of a Proclamation as authorized
by the Act of May, 1810, and the case of not keeping Mr.
Shaler at the Havanna, duly informed of the state of our
foreign relations, in consequence of which, as appeared by
Mr. Shaler's letters, he was unable to pursue the object of his
mission with advantage. I observed that if he had transmitted
at once, in multiplied copies, & thro' different channels,
the same information for the French Govt. as to the B. Govt.
as to the light in which the letter of the D. de Cadore was
viewed, it might, by removing uncertainty & distrust as to
the course here, have prevented the delay & embarrassment
resulting from the course there. The impression made by
these remarks was shewn rather by his manner, than his comment
which was limited to a general disclaimer of the justness
of them; & to allusions to a report that he had expressed to
Mr.—Ingersoll lately in Washington, a disapprobation
of the Proclamation putting in force the non-importation act
agst. G. B. which he denied to be fact, & said that he had sought
out that gentleman, and had obtained from him a satisfactory
explanation.

In this stage of the conversation, but in what particular
connection is not recollected, it was noticed as a mark of his
disinclination to co-operate in promoting measures for the
better fulfilling of the Executive trust, that altho' the Act
of Congrs at the session preceding that just closed, relating
to our diplomatic establishment, & of course particularly
affecting his dept., had been found so very inconvenient, and
it had been so often suggested to him; as desirable that some
active member of Congress, should be apprized of the expediency
of amending or repealing the act, yet no such hint
had been ever given, till at length I had availed myself of an
opportunity of explaining the matter to a member of the
Senate, who readily introduced it to the Senate, but too late in
the session to receive an effectual attention. He signified
that he had not been in the habit of proceeding in such a way
with business belonging to the Legislature, and seemed to

disapprove or doubt the propriety of it. I remarked that
where the intention was honest & the object useful, the conveniency
of facilitating business in that way was so obvious
that it had been practised under every past administration,
& wd. be so under every future one; that Executive experience
wd. frequently furnish hints & lights for the Legislature; that
nothing was more common than for members of Congs. to
apply for them; and that in fact, such communications, in cases
not calling for formal messages, were indispensable to the advantageous
conduct of the public business. A resort to formal
messages on every occasion where executive information
might be useful, was liable to obvious objections. He made
no particular reply, but did not seem to acquiesce. Returning
to the necessity of harmony & unity in the Executive Councils,
in providing for which I expressed a disposition to wound
feelings any where as little as possible, he said he had himself
regretted my situation, in reference to the want of cordiality
among members of the Cabinet, declaring, at the same time,
that whilst he was aware of intrigues & hostilities carried on
agst. himself, he had abstained from everything of that sort
agst. others, disdaining, at all times, to stoop to such practices.
I told him it was unnecessary to repeat observations which I
had already made; that such was the state of things that a
remedy had become essential in the view of the most considerate
friends of the administration, and that I wished for
the reasons given, to make it as lenient as would answer the
purpose. It had occurred to me that he might not be disinclined
to serve his Country in a foreign mission, and that St.
Petersburg, where there was a vacancy, might be an eligible
as it certainly was an important situation. London more so,
he remarked quickly. For London, I replied, another arrangement
was thought of; adding, with a view to repress
miscalculations, that it was a place of discussions & negotiations,
calling for appropriate talents & habits of business. He
said he had for a considerable time entertained thoughts of
retiring from the Department of State, and had looked towards
a vacancy on the Bench of the Supreme Court, likely to be
produced ere long, by death in Baltimore (alluding to Judge
Chase). I observed that in that event it might be found most
proper to seek a successor elsewhere, intimating also that he
had been long out of the practice & study of the law, and that
the Senate would probably be hard to please in such a case.
He made light of that consideration, with an expression of
confidence in his standing there, which led me to remark that
he was not aware how much room there was for a different
estimate, that he had assuredly lost ground extremely with
the members of both Houses of Congress, in so much that the
prevailing sentiment, as brought to my knowledge in the
most direct manner, and from some quarters not unfriendly
to himself, called for some arrangement that would at least
vary the composition of the Cabinet. He ascribed unfavorable
impressions agst him as far as they might exist to intrigues
& calumnies; signifying that there was however a body
of firm friends personal & political, who would not desert him
whatever course things might take. I did not admit that
any considerable body of the Republicans, would in any
event, take side agst the administration, that on the contrary,
many on whom he might perhaps count, had become dissatisfied
with the course he had pursued; that it was not so much
therefore the consideration alluded to by him, which weighed
with me, tho' not without weight especially at the present
crisis in Maryland, (the approaching elections of Senatorial
Electors,) as the one I had before mentioned namely the
personal friends common to both of us, that made me desirous
of smoothing the change become necessary, by proposing a
Mission to Russia, which I sincerely wished him to accept. I
remarked that the services there tho' neither difficult nor
laborious, might be important; that the station was respectable,
and that it was desirable to find a minister whose political
grade here had been such as would satisfy the expectations of
the Emperor, and whose private resources would also aid
his salary in bearing the expensiveness of that Metropolis &
Court. He admitted an inclination towards a trip to Europe
as more eligible than his situation here; and, after a few uninteresting
observations, concurred in the measure with a mutual
understanding that the appointment would be postponed for
some days, till he could wind up the business of his Department,
and prepare for his departure from Washington. I
observed that as the 1st of April, closed a quarter it might be
a convenient epoch, for the date of his Commission, in which
he acquiesced. He said he supposed there would be no impropriety
in letting it be known that the mission was on foot;
none at all. After a short pause, May I say that the appointment
is offered to me. I have no objection, it being of course
understood that it is to take place on the 1st of April; and
that you will let me be at liberty as many days previous as may
be convenient, to take overt measures for supplying the
vacancy, which he promised. The conversation closed with
his proposal that it should be considered as entirely confidential,
& my acquiescence in it.

From his conversations & conduct for several days, in his
office & elsewhere, it was not doubted that he persisted in his
intention to accept the Mission, and was making preparations
accordingly. Circumstances soon however began to denote
& strengthen doubts, particularly his declining, after accepting
my invitation, to dine with a party, including the Russian
Legation; and as I did not hear from him as was expected and
the 1st of April approached I sent for him.

On his arrival, I told him my object, and that I had, according
to the understanding between us, caused a Commission to
be made out for him. He said he was himself on the point
of coming over to me, with the view of returning into my hands
his Commission of Secretary of State, (handing it to me at
the same time) and to inform me that he had determined to
decline the other which had been proffered to him. However
disposed he might have been to accept it under other circumstances,
it was impossible he could do so under such as would
give it the appearance of a mere expedient to get rid of him

as Secretary of State. He had learned from Baltimore that
a removal of him was believed to have been determined on,
under the influence of intrigues agst. him, and that this intention
was known even to federal members of Congress, as was
evinced by their language on their return home, that the same
impression existed elsewhere; that he had, in fact, recd. letters
from his friends not only in Baltimore, but in Penna & N.
York, advising him by no means to make himself a party to
the transaction by accepting the Russian Mission, which
would be regarded as a mere cover for his removal. I told
him I could not be answerable for the reports or assertions
that might be propagated; that the course I had pursued was
the one deemed proper in the circumstances which had resulted
from that pursued by him, and had been as delicate and favorable
to him as could be reconciled with what I owed to the
Public & to myself; that in tendering him the Commission for
Russia, I wished him to accept it for the reasons explained
to him; that what the Federalists said on the occasion, must
have grown out of the conversations which had, as was well
known, been frequent & free among the friends of the administration,
on the necessity of a change in the Department
of State. I availed myself of this turn of the conversation, to
allude anew to the reports & complaints, that the Federalists
were the first to get from him information of our foreign
Affairs; and to its, being understood that he had told Mr.
Morier that the whole policy of the Government towards G. B.
had been contrary to his opinion & advice. This he denied.
I assured him there was full evidence that Morier had said so;
that this was known to and believed by sundry members of
Congs, and had contributed, with other causes, to strengthen
the current running agst him. I reminded him of the official
letter from Mr. Morier to him, complaining of the non-intercourse
being enforced against G. B. during the actual conduct
of France in which he (M) referred to a conversation in which
he (S.) admitted that G. B. had a right to complain; I told
him I had been surprised, when he communicated the letter
to me, to find no apparent intention of a formal disavowal of
that circumstance till I had pressed it on him as material to
himself in case the correspondence should be brought before
the public or Congress; and that I did not approve of the course
finally taken by him, of getting Morier to withdraw the letter
and substitute another omitting the passage; a course less
eligible than the one I had suggested, of a written disavowal,
as Morier's communications to his Govt. might correspond with
his first letter, and might find their way to the public thro'
a Call for papers by the British Parliament, in which case
the statement would be without his contradiction. These
I observed were disagreeable topics, and I willingly turned
from them, to repeat to him, that with a wish to consult the
sensibility of common friends, I had been ready to give him
in exchange for an office which he professed no longer to relish,
a foreign Mission which in itself did not appear to be unacceptable
to him; and that it was still in his option, & would
remain so for a short time longer, if he wished to deliberate
further on the subject. He said he had made up his mind, &
meant to be understood as having given his final answer to the
proposal. He recurred to the aspect it wore of an indirect
removal of him from the department of State, and to the allegation
of intrigues agst him, which had been mistaken for a
loss of Confidence with the public & with Congs; regretted
the tendency of what was taking place to injure the Republican
cause, observing again that he should be supported by a Body
of friends, and that he knew he could stand on good ground in
justifying himself to his Country. I assured him that neither
my sentiments nor conduct in relation to him were in the least
the effect of intrigues, to which I should never listen, but of
the facts & considerations I had unfolded to him; that I did
not doubt the friendship for him of a number of respectable
& weighty characters, but it was not less true, however disagreeable
it might be to dwell on the circumstance, that with
the Public, as well as among the members of Congs in both
Houses, the tide was setting strongly & extensively agst him;
that I regretted as much as himself a tendency in any occurrence
to impair harmony among the Republicans, more especially
at this time & in this State, but that I believed this
was not likely to be much the case; conceiving that the administration
rested on ground as solid as at any preceding
period; & that for myself, I was entirely confident that what
I had done in relation to him, could be justified not only to
the public, if it should become there necessary, but even to
the most partial of his personal friends; that I cd have no personal
objection therefore to any step he might take which
would call the public attention to it. He said it was not his
wish, however confident he might be of the ground on which
he stood, to introduce any public discussion. The conversation
being at an end, he took his leave with a cold formality,
and I did not see him afterwards.

On reading over the above, I recollect nothing worth mentioning
which is omitted; unless it be thought an exception,
that in some stage of the conversation I alluded to the pretty
general opposition made by his brother in the Senate to the
measures proposed or supposed to be approved, by the Executive,
and its effect in strengthening the presumption with many
of a like spirit in the Secretary of State; explicitly declaring,
at the same time, that however I might be sometimes disappointed
at the part taken by his brother, or regret it on account
of his talents & his weight, I had always considered myself
bound to suppose him actuated by a just respect for the independence
of his station & his character; and that as he stood
in no official connection with the Executive rendering him
anywise responsible for his political conduct, I had never
permitted myself to complain of it.