University of Virginia Library

TO JOEL BARLOW.[42]

Dear Sir You will receive by this conveyance
the proper communications from the Dept. of State.
You will see in them, the ground now avowed for the
B. Orders in Council. It must render them codurable
with the war; for nothing but a termination
of it will re-open the continental market to British
products. Nor is it probable that peace will do it in
its former extent. The pretension which requires the
U. S. as a neutral power to assert an obligation on
one belligerent, to favor, by its internal regulations,
the manufactures of another, is a fitter subject for
ridicule than refutation. It accordingly has no
countenance here even among the most devoted
champions of G. B. Whether some of them, by
arming themselves with simulated facts & sophistical
distinctions, may not be emboldened to turn out in
her defence, will soon be seen. Nothing has yet
passed in Congs. disclosing the sense of that Body,
with respect to the moment & manner of meeting
the conduct of G. B. in its present hostile shape. A
disposition appears to enter at once on preparations,
which will probably be put in force or not, as the
effect of them on the British Councils, shall be ascertained
in the course of the session. In the mean

time it is not improbable that the merchant vessels
may be permitted to arm for self-defence. This can
scarcely fail to bring on maritime reprisals; and to
end in the full extent of war, unless a change in the
British system should arrest the career of events.
All proceedings however relating to G. Britain, will
be much influenced by the conduct of France not
only as it relates to a violation of our neutral rights;
but of our national ones also, and to justice for the
past as well as for the future and that too not only
in cases strictly French, but in those in Naples &
elsewhere indirectly so. Altho' in our discussions
with G. B. we have been justified in viewing the
repeal of the French Decrees as sufficiently substantiated
to require a fulfilment of the pledge to
repeal the orders in Council; yet the manner in which
the F. Govt. has managed the repeal of the decrees,
and evaded a correction of other outrages, has mingled
with the conciliatory tendency of the repeal, as
much of irritation and disgust as possible. And
these sentiments are not a little strengthened by the
sarcastic comments on that management, with which
we are constantly pelted in our discussions with the
B. Govt. and for which the F. Govt. ought to be
ashamed to furnish the occasion. In fact without a
systematic change from an appearance of crafty contrivance,
and insatiate cupidity, for an open manly, &
upright dealing with a nation whose example demands
it, it is impossible that good will can exist; and that
the ill-will which her policy aims at directing against
her enemy, should not, by her folly and iniquity, be
drawn off against herself. The late licentiousness of
the F. privateers in the Baltic, the ruinous transmission
of their cases to Paris, and the countenance
said to be there given to such abuses, are kindling a
fresh flame here; And if a remedy be not applied,
& our merchantmen should arm, hostile collisions
will as readily take place with one nation as the
other. Were it not that our frigates would be in
danger of rencounters with British ships of superior
force in that quarter, there could be no scruple at
sending thither some of them, with orders to suppress
by force the French and Danish depredations. I
am aware that a pretext for these has been sought
in the practice of our vessels in accepting British
Convoy; but have they not in many instances at
least been driven to this irregular step by the greater
irregularities practised agst. them? We await the
return of the Constitution not without a hope of finding
the good effect of your remonstrances in a radical
change of the French policy towards this Country.

The reparation for the outrage on the Chesapeake
frigate, which you will find in the correspondence
between Mr. Foster and Mr. Monroe, tho' in a stile
& extent sufficiently admissible under actual circumstances,
has been so timed as to lose its conciliatory
effect, by wearing the appearance of a
diplomatic ruse. Those who value it most, do so
on the calculation that Mr. F. is authorized to go
forward in the road from which he has removed the
stumbling-block. In this they allow their wishes to
mislead their judgments.

From a late communication of Mr. Russell, to
the Secretary of State it appears that the F. Emperor
has very wisely made up his mind for the
Independence of Spanish America; and for the possession
of E. as well as W. Florida by the U. S. It
is to be hoped that no unworthy attempt will be
made to extract money from the occasion: 1. because
it is incompatible with the assumed idea that Sp:
Ama must be independent. 2. because, without
our occupancy, that of G. B. would be interposed.
3. & essentially, because the pecuniary value of the
territory is due from Spain to the U. S. You ought
to know that there is good reason to believe that an
agent (Keene) for certain grasping land Jobbers of
N. Orleans & possibly elsewhere, has been treating
with the Cortes for the vacant lands in E. Florida,
and it may be counted on that equal art & avarice
will mingle themselves with every opportunity for
corrupt speculations.

Hitherto the Continental Colonies of S. America
have masked their views of independence, under a
nominal adherence to Ferdinand, as the head of the
whole empire, in contradistinction to the Cortes
governing the European part of it only. Venezuela
however has thrown off this mask, has communicated
to us its declaration of Independence, and solicits
our acknowledging it by receiving a Pub. Minister
&c. Mexico, according to our intelligence, wch is
difficult & obscure, is still in the struggle between the
revolutionary & royal parties.

In what manner G. B. will proceed in the case of

Venezuela, & other districts following its example
does not yet appear. Whilst Ferdinand was acknowledged,
it was less difficult to steer between the
Cortes and the Colonies. It will require more dexterity
to reconcile her political connections with the
former, and her commercial views towards the latter.
If our information from Cadiz be not very erroneous,
she is doing us all the mischief there which her influence
can effect. What her conduct may be in
the event of our taking possession of E. Florida,
cannot yet be said. The game she will play with
Cuba, may more readily be conjectured. But like
most of her others it may in the end be a losing one.

You will receive from the Dept. of State a set of
Newspapers, & will see the pub. countenance as
reflected in that Mirror. I add one or two which
happen to be at hand, and to contain some things
worth perusal.

Accept my great esteem & most friendly respects.