The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
TO WILLIAM PINKNEY. |
The writings of James Madison, | ||
TO WILLIAM PINKNEY.
Availing myself as heretofore of a British packet from New
York, I forward a continuation of the proceedings of Congress,
as they will be seen in the prints herewith inclosed,
adding at the same time a copy of my last letter which was
transmitted thro' the favor of Mr. Erskine along with some of
his dispatches by way of New Brunswick.
You will observe that in pursuance of the resolutions of the
House of Representatives not to submit to the Foreign Edicts
against our commerce, and to provide further for the security
of the Country, a Bill is on its passage, for raising immediately
a volunteer force of 50,000 men. This added to other preparations,
has induced Mr. Erskine to make it the subject of conversation,
in which he alluded to his duty of communicating
measures of that character to his Government, and the usage
of their being accompanied with such explanations as the
Government here might think proper to make on the occasion.
He was reminded that we had seen at different times and in
different quarters, augmentations of British force in our neighbourhood,
without any intimation of its object, or that it had
no reference to the United States. But that there was, nevertheless,
no hesitation in saying to him, that however desirous
the United States might be of preserving peace, the situation
in which they found themselves made it their obvious and
indispensable duty to be prepared for War; that the perseverance
of his Government and that of France in their respective
Edicts, especially after the communications which
had been made to them and the removal of the very pretexts
for such aggressions indicated a spirit of hostility against
which it would be the most culpable neglect not to provide;
and finally that it would be frankly avowed as was indeed to
be inferred from the sentiments expressed by the Legislature,
that the time might not be distant when a longer adherence
to those Edicts would give them the overt character, as they
had long had the real effect of War, and impose on the United
States the obligation of vindicating their honor and their
rights by other means than had thus far been resorted to.
With these observations were mingled explicit assurances of
the solicitude of this Country to avoid such an extremity, and
of the satisfaction that would be afforded, by any change in
the conduct of the belligerent Governments and particularly
of his own, which would lay the foundation for amicable adjustment.
He signified that it did not lie with him to do more
than to give information to his Government leaving to that
the inferences and decisions proper to be formed. He expressed,
however, his wishes and hopes that any hostile result
might be avoided; and alluded, as he had repeatedly done on
preceding occasions to the documents explaining what had
passed between this Government and France, and to the
effect of the proposed non intercourse Act, in sinking the nonimportation
Act, and the proclamation of July 1807, pointed
against G Britain alone, into regulations common to her and
her Enemy, as furnishing grounds to which he could not undertake
a favorable attention.
I have given you this sketch as at once apprizing you of the
communication which will of course be made to Mr. Canning,
and assisting you in any conversations with him which may
ensue.
The impatience under the Embargo, more particularly in
Massachusetts, is becoming extremely acute under the artificial
excitements given to it; and a preference of war within
a very limited period is every where gaining ground. Were
it not for the chance of belligerent relaxations, under the influence
of the known dispositions and determinations here,
and of events in Europe, it is probable that letters of Marque
and reprisal would at once be issued. For the present it
seems to be in view, to provide for an extra Session of Congress
in the Month of May, with an understanding that War
will then be the proper course, if no immediate change abroad
shall render it unnecessary. What other measures, provisional
or positive, may be connected with or added to this
extra call of Congress, I do not venture now to anticipate;
the less so as the public mind is in a state too impressible to
shew in its present temper, what its bias may become in the
progress of the Session. It is not improbable that a time
would be immediately fixed, at which hostilities should be
commenced against the persevering aggression or aggressions,
but for the apprehension that the menacing alternative presented
by that course might be an obstacle with pride to
relaxations not otherwise inadmissible.
The writings of James Madison, | ||