University of Virginia Library

TO JAMES MONROE.

Dear Sir Your favor of the 23d having passed
on to Milton whence it came back to Orange Court
House I did not receive it until yesterday.

I am glad to find that our proportion of Shipping
in the direct trade with G. B. is increasing. It
must continue to do so under an established reciprocity,
with regard to the trade with the B. Colonies,
whether that be founded on the admission or exclusion
of the ships of both Countries.

I thank you for the printed Copy of the documents

relating to our long controversy with Spain.[145] It
forms a valuable continuation of the State papers
already published.

It is pleasing to see proofs of the growing respect
for us among the great powers of Europe; which
must be cherished and enhanced by the current
developments of a just and elevated policy on the
part of the United States. Is it not worth while
to found on this respect an experiment to draw
Russia and France who particularly profess it, into
our liberal and provident views in favor of S. America.
The great work of its emancipation would then
be compleated per saltum; for Great Britain could
not hold back if so disposed, and Spain would have
no choice but acquiescence.

The inference of Mr. Rush from the circumstances
of his last interview with Lord Castle[reagh]: in the
moment of his departure for Aix la Chapelle, is as
judicious as it is favorable to our hopes of terminating
the Thorny question of impressment. The
British Cabinet gave up its sine qua non in order
to get rid of a war with us at a crisis rendering it
embarrassing to its affairs internal and external.
It may be equally ready to obviate by another
sacrifice the danger of one which might be not less
embarrassing in both respects. Impressment and
peace, it must now be evident, are irreconcilable.
It will be happy if the apparent disposition to yeild

in this case be carried into effect; and it may be
hoped the same flexibility may be extended to the
case of blockades, which in the event of a maritime
war in Europe would have a like tendency with
impressments. The remaining danger to a permanent
harmony would then lie in the possession
of Canada; which as Great B. ought to know, whenever
rich enough to be profitable, will be strong
enough to be independent. Were it otherwise,
Canada can be of no value to her, when at war with
us; and when at peace, will be of equal value, whether
a British Colony or an American State. Whether
the one or the other the consumption of British
Manufactures & export of useful materials will be
much the same. The latter would be guarded even
agst. a tax on them by an Article in our Constitun.

But notwithstanding the persuasive nature of these
considerations there is little probability of their
overcoming the national pride which is flattered
by extended dominion; and still less perhaps ministerial
policy always averse to narrow the field of
patronage. As far as such a transfer would affect
the relative power of the two Nations, the most
unfriendly jealousy could find no objection to the
measure; for it would evidently take more weakness
from G. B. than it would add strength to the U. S.
In truth the only reason we can have to desire
Canada, ought to weigh as much with G. B. as with
us. In her hands it must ever be a source of collision
which she ought to be equally anxious to
remove; and a Snare to the poor Indians towards

whom her humanity ought to be equally excited.
Interested individuals have dwelt much on its
importance to G. B. as a channel for evading &
crippling our commercial laws. But it may well
be expected that other views of her true interest
will prevail in her councils, if she permits experience
to enlighten them. I return the private letter you
enclosed from Mr. Rush