The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
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TO DAVID HUMPHREYS. |
 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
TO DAVID HUMPHREYS.
Dear Sir I have recd. your letter of the 19th
Ulti: Mr. Perkins who was to have been the bearer,
has not yet arrived, unless, as is possible, he may
have done so, and had his communications with the
Patent Office, without my knowing it.
Altho' it is neither usual nor often eligible, to enter
into political explanations on such an occasion as the
present, I am induced by the frank & friendly tenor
of your remarks, to express (under the reserves
which you will infer) my regret that you should be
able to cite a prevailing opinion that "an alliance
with France and a systematic exclusion of Commerce"
were within the views of the Administration.
To say nothing of the extreme improbability of
such a policy on the first point, it is not easy to conceive
a more formal disavowal of it, than has been
repeatedly made & published both by my predecessor
& myself, particularly in the Messages relating
to the war, which emphatically impugn political
alliances or conventions with any foreign power.
from Mr. Barlow to Mr. Monroe lately published,
from which it must be necessarily inferred that he
was forbidden to enter into any arrangement with
France beyond the subjects of indemnity & commerce.
With such strong presumptions & decisive
proofs before the public, it is impossible that a purpose
in this Government of allying itself with that of
France, can be seriously believed by any intelligent
individual not in a temper to reject a witness even
from the dead.
As to a systematic exclusion of commerce, a belief
of it, is still more incomprehensible. Temporary
abridgements or suspensions of it, must have for
their object its permanent freedom, as interruptions
of peace, have for their object, a re-establishment of
peace on improved foundations. In such a light
only can the restrictive measures applied to our
commerce be rationally viewed. The avowed object
of them, in fact, was to liberate our commerce from
foreign restrictions equally obnoxious to all parties.
Whether the means were well applied or not, may
be made a question. The object itself never can.
How is it possible that any man in his senses should
attempt or wish to annihilate the foreign commerce
of such a Country as this; or that such a policy should
be supported by that portion of the Country, which
thinks itself, as much more interested in commerce
than the other portion, as the cargoes of ships are
more valuable than their freight?
Viewing the topics which have so much agitated
never allowed myself to believe that the Union was
in danger, or that a dissolution of it could be desired,
unless by a few individuals, if such there be, in desperate
situations or of unbridled passions. In addition
to the thousand affinities belonging to every
part of the Nation, every part has an interest as deep
as it is obvious, in maintaining the bond which keeps
the whole together; and the Eastern part certainly
not less than any other. Looking to the immediate
& commercial effect of a dissolution, it is clear that
the Eastern part would be the greatest loser, by
such an event; and not likely therefore deliberately
to rush into it; especially when it takes into view,
the groundlessness of the suspicions which alone
could suggest so dreadful an alternative; and the
turn which would probably grow out of it, to the
relations with Europe. The great road of profitable
intercourse for New England, even with old England,
lies through the Wheat, the Cotton & the Tobacco
fields, of her Southern & Western confederates. On
what basis could N. E. & O. E. form commercial
stipulations. On all the great articles they would
be in direct rivalship. The real source of our Revolution
was the commercial jealousy of G. B. towards
that part of her then Colonies. If there be links of
common interest between the two Countries, they
wd. connect the S. & not the N. States, with that
part of Europe. Accept my friendly respects.
I this moment receive your favor of the 20th, with
the paper headed "Navy."
| The writings of James Madison, | |