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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
 
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TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.[104]

Dear Sir,—My last was committed in December to
Mr. Gouverneur Morris. I was then on my way to
Virginia. The elections for the new government
commenced shortly after my arrival. The first was
of Electors, to Ballot for a President and Vice
President. The successful candidates were General
Wood, Mr. Zachy Johnson, Genl Edward Stephens,
Doctor David Stuart, Mr. W. Fitzhugh of Chatham,
Mr. Warner Lewis of Gloucester, Mr. Jno. Harvey,
Mr. Walk, of or near Norfolk, Mr. Kello of Southampton.
These nine were federalists. The remaining
three, Mr. Patrick Henry, Mr. Roane of King


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and Queen, and Mr. Pride of Amelia, were of the
adverse party. Two of the former party did not
attend. The votes were unanimous with respect to
General Washington, as appears to have been the
case in each of the States. The secondary votes were
given, among the federal members, chiefly to Mr. J.
Adams, one or two being thrown away in order to
prevent a possible competition for the Presidency.
Governor Clinton was the secondary choice of the
anti-federal members. In the succeeding election of
Representatives, federalism was also proved to be
the prevailing sentiment of the people. The successful
candidates on this list are Mr. Moore, late of
the Executive Council (from Rockingham,) Mr.
Alexander White, Mr. Richard Bland Lee, Mr. John
Page, (Rosewell,) Mr. Samuel Griffin, Mr. Brown,
member of the old Congress, (from Kentucky,) J.
Madison, Col. Parker, (late nav. officer at Norfolk,)
Col. Isaac Coles, (of Halifax,) and Col. Bland. Of
these, the seven first have been on the side of the
Constitution; the three last in the opposition. Col.
Parker appears to be very temperate, and it is not
probable that both the others will be very inveterate,
It was my misfortune to be thrown into a contest
with our friend, Col. Monroe. The occasion produced
considerable efforts among our respective
friends. Between ourselves, I have no reason to
doubt that the distinction was duly kept in mind
between political and personal views, and that it has
saved our friendship from the smallest diminution.
On one side I am sure it is the case.


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Notwithstanding the lapse of time since the birthday
of the new Government, (the 4th of March,) I
am under the necessity of informing you that a
quorum is not yet formed, either in the Senate or
House of Representatives. The season of the year,
the peculiar badness of the weather, and the short
interval between the epoch of election and that of
meeting, form a better apology for the delay than
will probably occur on your side of the Atlantic.
The deficiency at present in the House of Representatives
requires two members only for a Quorum,
and in the Senate one only. A few days will, therefore,
fit the Body for the first step, to wit, opening
the Ballots for the President and Vice President. I
have already said that General Washington will be
the first by a unanimous suffrage. It is held to be
certain that Mr. Adams, though refused a great many
votes from different motives, will have the second
appointment. A considerable delay will be unavoidable,
after the ballots are counted, before the President
can be on the spot, and, consequently, before
any Legislative act can take place. Such a protraction
of the inactivity of the Government is to be
regretted on many accounts, but most on account
of the loss of revenue. A prospect of the Spring
importations led to the appointment of the first
meeting at a time which, in other respects, was
unseasonable.

It is not yet possible to ascertain precisely the
complexion of the new Congress. A little time will
be necessary to unveil it, and a little will probably


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suffice. With regard to the Constitution, it is pretty
well decided that the disaffected party in the Senate
amounts to two or three members only; and that
in the other House it does not exceed a very small
minority, some of which will also be restrained by
the federalism of the States from which they come.
Notwithstanding this character of the Body, I hope
and expect that some conciliatory sacrifices will be
made, in order to extinguish opposition to the system,
or at least break the force of it, by detaching
the deluded opponents from their designing leaders.
With regard to the system of policy to which the
Government is capable of rising, and by which its
genius will be appreciated, I wait for some experimental
instruction. Were I to advance a conjecture,
it would be, that the predictions of an antidemocratic
operation will be confronted with at
least a sufficient number of the features which have
marked the State Governments.

Since my arrival here I have received your favor
of November 18th. It had been sent on to Virginia;
but not reaching Fredericksburg before I passed that
place, it followed me back hither. I am much concerned
that your scheme of passing the ensuing summer
in your native country has been defeated. Mr.
Jay, with whom I have conversed on the subject,
tells me that his answer to your public letter has
explained the impossibility of giving effect to your
wishes, no Congress having been formed under the
old Confederation since the receipt of your letter, or,
indeed, since the expiration of the last federal year.


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The most that can now be done will be to obtain
from the new authority, as early as possible, some
act which may leave the matter to your own discretion.
Perhaps it may be neither more inconvenient
to your private nor to the public affairs to make your
visit in the fall instead of the Spring, and to pass the
Winter instead of the Summer in America. The
same cause on which you are to charge your disappointment
in this instance prevented a decision on
the question of outfit, stated in one of your former
communications.

With some printed papers containing interesting
articles, I inclose a manuscript copy of Col. Morgan's
invitation to persons disposed to seek their fortunes
on the Spanish side of the Mississippi. There is no
doubt that the project has the sanction of Gardoqui.
It is a silly one on the part of Spain, and will probably
end like the settlements on the Roman side of
the Danube, with the concurrence of the declining
empire. But it clearly betrays the plan suggested
to you in a former letter, of making the Mississippi
the bait for a defection of the Western people. Some
of the leaders in Kentucky are known to favor the
idea of connection with Spain. The people are as
yet inimical to it. Their future disposition will depend
on the measures of the new Government.

I omitted to mention that a dispute between
the Senate of this State, which was federal, and the
other branch, which was otherwise, concerning the
manner of appointing Senators for the Congress, was
so inflexibly persisted in that no appointment was


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made during the late session, and must be delayed
for a considerable time longer, even if the dispute
should on a second trial be accommodated. It is
supposed by some that the superintending power of
Congress will be rendered necessary by the temper
of the parties. The provision for the choice of electors
was also delayed until the opportunity was lost;
and that for the election of Representatives so long
delayed that the result will not be decided till tuesday
next. It is supposed that at least three out of
the six will be of the federal party. In New Jersey,
the inaccuracy of the law providing for the choice of
Representatives has produced an almost equal delay,
and left room for contests, which, if brought by the
disappointed candidates into the House, will add a
disagreeable article to the list of its business.

I am much obliged for the two estimates on the
subject of our foreign debt, and shall turn your ideas
to the account which they deserve.

 
[104]

From Madison's Works.