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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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JUNE 18—ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
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JUNE 18—ELECTION OF PRESIDENT.[66]

Mr Madison—Mr Chairman, I will take the liberty of making
a few observations, which may place this in such a light as


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may obviate objections. It is observed, that none of the
honorable members objecting to this, have pointed out the
right mode of election. It was found difficult in the convention,
and will be found so by any gentleman who will take the
liberty of delineating a mode of electing the president, that
would exclude those inconveniences which they apprehend.
I would not contend against some of the principles laid down
by some gentlemen if the interests of some states only were to
be consulted. But there is a great diversity of interests.
The choice of the people ought to be attended to. I have
found no better way of selecting the man in whom they
place the highest confidence, than that delineated in the plan
of the convention—nor has the gentleman told us. Perhaps
it will be found impracticable to elect him by the immediate
suffrages of the people. Difficulties would arise from the
extent and population of the states. Instead of this, the
people chose the electors.

This can be done with ease and convenience, and will
render the choice more judicious. As to the eventual voting
by states, it has my approbation. The lesser states, and some
large states, will be generally pleased by that mode. The
deputies from the small states argued, (and there is some force
in their reasoning) that when the people voted, the large states
evidently had the advantage over the rest, and without varying
the mode, the interest of the little states might be neglected
or sacrificed. Here is a compromise.—For in the
eventual election, the small states will have the advantage.
In so extensive a country, it is probable that many persons
will be voted for, and the lowest of the five highest on the list


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may not be so inconsiderable as he supposes. With respect
to the possibility, that a small number of votes may decide
his election, I do not know how, nor do I think that a bare
calculation of possibility ought to govern us.—One honorable
gentleman has said, that the eastern states may, in the
eventual election, choose him. But in the extravagant calculation
he has made, he has been obliged to associate North
Carolina and Georgia, with the five smallest northern States.
There can be no union of interest or sentiments between states
so differently situated.

The honorable member last up has committed a mistake in
saying there must be a majority of the whole number of electors
appointed. A majority of votes, equal to a majority of
the electors appointed, will be sufficient. Forty-six is a
majority of ninety one, and will suffice to elect the president.

 
[66]

TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.

Dear Sir,—

No question direct or indirect has yet been taken by which the state
of parties could be determined, of course each is left to enjoy the
hopes resulting from its own partial calculations. It is probable the
majority on either side will not exceed 3, 4, 5, or 6. I indulge a belief
that at this time the friends of the Constitution have the advantage
in point of number. Great moderation as yet marks our proceedings.
Whether it be the effect of temper, or of the equality of forces and the
uncertainty of victory, will be seen by the event. We are at present
on the Executive Department. Mr. H—y has not made any opposition
to it, though it was looked for. He may however still mean to
make one; or he may lay by for an exertion against the Judiciary. I
find myself not yet restored and extremely feeble.

With my affecte regards I remain, Yrs.—Mad. MSS.