The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON. |
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 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
TO GEORGE WASHINGTON.
Having seen a part only of the names returned for
the Convention, and being unacquainted with the
political characters of many of them, I am a very incompetent
prophet of the fate of the Constitution.
My hopes however are much encouraged by my
present conjectures. Those who have more data for
their calculations than I have, augur a flattering
issue to the deliberations of June. I find that Col.
Nicholas,[57]
who is among the best judges, thinks on
on the list of federalists; but very properly takes
the weight of Kentucky if thrown into the wrong
scale, and by the proceedings of Maryland and South
Carolina, if they should terminate in either a rejection
or postponement of the question. The impression
on Kentucky, like that on the rest of the
State was at first answerable to our wishes; but, as
elsewhere, the torch of discord has been thrown in
and has found the materials but too inflammable. I
have written several letters since my arrival to
correspondents in that district, with a view to counteract
anti-federal machinations. I have little expectation
however that they will have much effect,
unless the communications that may go from Mr.
Brown in Congress, should happen to breathe the
same spirit; and I am not without apprehensions
that his mind may have taken an unlucky tincture
from the difficulties thrown in the way of the separation
of the district, as well as from some antecedent
proceedings of Congress. I have taken the liberty
of writing also to a friend in South Carolina on the
critical importance of a right decision there to a
favorable one here. The inclosed letter which I
leave unsealed will shew you that I am doing the
same with respect to Maryland. Will you be so
good as to put a wafer in it and to send it to the post
office for George Town, or to change the address to
Annapolis, if you should have reason to conclude
that Mr. Carrol will be there? I have written a
similar letter to Docr. McHenry. The difference between
even a postponement and adoption in Maryland,
give a fatal advantage to that which opposes
the Constitution.
I have done nothing yet in preparing answers to
the queries. As facts are to be ascertained as well
as opinions formed delay will be of course counted
upon.
With every sentiment of respect and attachment
Your Obedient & humble Servt.
George Nicholas wrote to Madison from Charlottesville, April 5,
that there was a slight majority of federalists in the members elected
to the Virginia convention, but that some of them would, he feared,
be unwilling "to give the best hand" to the Constitution, unless the
conduct of the other States justified it. If the Maryland and South
Carolina conventions adjourned until Virginia had spoken the influence
against favorable action by Virginia would be serious. Would
Madison, therefore, impress upon his friends in those States the necessity
for favorable action. Mr. Pendleton was being urged to favor
amendments before ratification, but Madison was expected to prevent
any change in his views. The opposition of Mason was due to
his irritation and to the "vain opinion he entertains (which has industriously
been supported by some particular characters) that he has
influence enough to dictate a constitution to Virginia, and through her
to the rest of the union. M.r Henry is now almost avowedly an enemy
to the union. . . His real sentiments will be industriously concealed,
for so long as he talks only of amendments such of the friends
to the union, as object to particular parts of the constitution will adhere
to him, which they would not do a moment, if they could be convinced
of his real design. I hope to be possessed of sufficient information
by the meeting of the convention to make that matter clear, and if I
am it shall not be withheld. The opposition except from that quarter
will be feeble. Our friend E. R. [andolph] talks of a compromise between
the friends of the union, but I know of but one that can safely
take place; and that is on the plan of the Massachusetts convention:
it appears to me impossible that another continental convention assembled
to deliberate on the whole subject, should ever agree on any
general plan.
"Let the decision of our convention be what it may, I think it will
be of great consequence that an address to the people at large should
go forth from such of the members as are friends to the constitution:
if this had been done in Pennsylvania, it would have counteracted
much of the poison contained in the dissent of the minority . . . but
if this government is rejected, America will be left without one, at least
only in possession of one which all parties agree in insufficient; it will
therefore be our duty to state to the people the necessity of a change
and place in its true point of view the one now offered. Nine tenths
of the people are strong friends to the union, and such of them as are
opposed to the proposed government are so upon suppositions not
warranted by the thing itself. No person in the convention can so
well prepare this address as yourself, and if it appears as important in
your eyes as it does to me, I hope that you will undertake it. The
greater part of the members of the convention will go to the meeting
without information on the subject, it will be very important to give
this as early as may be, and if possible before—they go from home.
Publius or the fæderalist if it is published in a pamphlet, would do it
better than any other work; if it is published can I get the favor of
you to procure me thirty or forty copies of it, that I may distribute
them. . . .
"The only danger I apprehend is from the Kentucky members; and
one consideration only has any weight with them: a fear that if the
new government should take place, that their navigation would be
given up."—Mad. MSS.
| The writings of James Madison, | |