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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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Tuesday May 29.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Tuesday May 29.

John Dickenson and Elbridge Gerry, the former
from Delaware, the latter from Massts. took their
seats. The following rules were added, on the report
of Mr. Wythe from the Committee—

That no member be absent from the House, so as
to interrupt the representation of the State, without
leave.


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That Committees do not sit whilst the House shall
be or ought to be, sitting.

That no copy be taken of any entry on the journal
during the sitting of the House without leave of the
House.

That members only be permitted 10 inspect the
journal.

That nothing spoken in the House be printed, or
otherwise published or communicated without leave.

That a motion to reconsider a matter which has
been determined by a majority, may be made, with
leave unanimously given, on the same day on which
the vote passed; but otherwise not without one
day's previous notice: in which last case, if the
House agree to the reconsideration, some future day
shall be assigned for that purpose.

Mr. C. Pinkney[21] moved that a Committee be appointed
to superintend the Minutes.

Mr. Govr. Morris objected to it. The entry of the
proceedings of the Convention belonged to the
Secretary as their impartial officer. A committee
might have an interest & bias in moulding the entry
according to their opinions and wishes.


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The motion was negatived, 5 noes, 4 ays.

Mr. Randolph[22] then opened the main business.[23]

He expressed his regret, that it should fall to him,
rather than those, who were of longer standing in
life and political experience, to open the great subject
of their mission. But, as the convention had
originated from Virginia, and his colleagues supposed
that some proposition was expected from
them, they had imposed this task on him.

He then commented on the difficulty of the crisis,
and the necessity of preventing the fulfilment of the
prophecies of the American downfal.

He observed that in revising the fœderal system
we ought to inquire 1. into the properties, which
such a government ought to possess, 2. the defects
of the confederation, 3. the danger of our situation
& 4. the remedy.

    1.

  • The Character of such a government ought
    to secure 1. against foreign invasion: 2. against
    dissensions between members of the Union, or seditions
    in particular States: 3. to procure to the
    several States various blessings, of which an isolated
    situation was incapable: 4. to be able to defend


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    itself against encroachment: & 5. to be paramount
    to the state constitutions.

  • 2.

  • In speaking of the defects of the confederation
    he professed a high respect for its authors, and considered
    them as having done all that patriots could
    do, in the then infancy of the science, of constitutions,
    & of confederacies,—when the inefficiency of
    requisitions was unknown—no commercial discord
    had arisen among any States—no rebellion had appeared
    as in Massts—foreign debts had not become
    urgent—the havoc of paper money had not been
    foreseen—treaties had not been violated—and perhaps
    nothing better could be obtained from the
    jealousy of the states with regard to their sovereignty.

    He then proceeded to enumerate the defects, I.
    that the confederation produced no security against
    foreign invasion; congress not being permitted to
    prevent a war nor to support it by their own authority
    —Of this he cited many examples; most of
    which tended to shew, that they could not cause
    infractions of treaties or of the law of nations to be
    punished: that particular states might by their conduct
    provoke war without controul; and that
    neither militia nor draughts being fit for defence on
    such occasions, enlistments only could be successful,
    and these could not be executed without money.

    2, that the fœderal govemment could not check
    the quarrels between states, nor a rebellion in any,
    not having constitutional power nor means to interpose
    accordingly to the exigency.


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    3, that there were many advantages, which the
    U. S. might acquire, which were not attainable under
    the confederation—such as a productive impost—— —
    counteraction of the commercial regulations of other
    nations—pushing of commerce ad libitum,—&c &c.

    4, that the foederal government could not defend
    itself against encroachments from the states.

    5, that it was not even paramount to the state
    constitutions, ratified as it was in many of the states.

  • 3.

  • He next reviewed the danger of our situation,
    appealed to the sense of the best friends of the U. S.
    the prospect of anarchy from the laxity of government
    every where; and to other considerations.

  • 4.

  • He then proceeded to the remedy; the basis of
    which he said must be the republican principle.

He proposed as conformable to his ideas the following
resolutions, which he explained one by one.

    1.

  • Resolved that the articles of Confederation
    ought to be so corrected & enlarged as to accomplish
    the objects proposed by their institution; namely,
    "common defence, security of liberty, and general
    welfare."

  • 2.

  • Resd. therefore that the rights of suffrage in the
    National Legislature ought to be proportioned to the
    Quotas of contribution, or to the number of free
    inhabitants, as the one or the other rule may seem
    best in different cases.

  • 3.

  • Resd. that the National Legislature ought to
    consist of two branches.

  • 4.

  • Resd. that the members of the first branch of
    the National Legislature ought to be elected by the


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    people of the several States every——— for the
    term of———; to be of the age of— — years at
    least, to receive liberal stipends by which they may
    be compensated for the devotion of their time to the
    public service; to be ineligible to any office established
    by a particular State, or under the authority
    of the United States, except those peculiarly belong
    to the functions of the first branch, during the term
    of service, and for the space of——— after its
    expiration; to be incapable of re-election for the
    space of —— after the expiration of their term of
    service, and to be subject to recall.

  • 5.

  • Resold. that the members of the second branch
    of the National Legislature ought to be elected by
    those of the first, out of a proper number of persons
    nominated by the individual Legislatures, to be of
    the age of——years at least; to hold their offices
    for a term sufficient to ensure their independency;
    to receive liberal stipends, by which they may be
    compensated for the devotion of their time to the
    public service; and to be ineligible to any office
    established by a particular State, or under the
    authority of the United States, except those peculiarly
    belonging to the functions of the second
    branch, during the term of service; and for the
    space of——— after the expiration thereof.

  • 6.

  • Resolved that each branch ought to possess
    the right of originating Acts; that the National
    Legislature ought to be empowered to enjoy the
    Legislative Rights vested in Congress by the Confederation
    & moreover to legislate in all cases to


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    which the separate States are incompetent, or in
    which the harmony of the United States may be interrupted
    by the exercise of individual Legislation;
    to negative all laws passed by the several States
    contravening in the opinion of the National Legislature
    the articles of Union; and to call forth the
    force of the Union agst. any member of the Union
    failing to fulfil its duty under the articles thereof.

  • 7.

  • Resd. that a National Executive be instituted;
    to be chosen by the National Legislature for the
    term of——— years, to receive punctually at stated
    times, a fixed compensation for the services rendered,
    in which no increase or diminution shall be made
    so as to affect the Magistracy, existing at the time of
    increase or diminution, and to be ineligible a second
    time; and that besides a general authority to execute
    the national laws, it ought to enjoy the Executive
    rights vested in Congress by the Confederation.

  • 8.

  • Resd. that the Executive and a convenient
    number of the National Judiciary, ought to compose
    a Council of revision with authority to examine
    every act of the National Legislature before it shall
    operate, & every act of a particular Legislature before
    a Negative thereon shall be final; and that the
    dissent of the said Council shall amount to a rejection,
    unless the Act of the National Legislature be
    again passed, or that of a particular Legislature be
    again negatived by——— of the members of each
    branch.

  • 9.

  • Resd. that a National Judiciary be established
    to consist of one or more supreme tribunals, and of


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    inferior tribunals to be chosen by the National Legislature,
    to hold their offices during good behaviour;
    and to receive punctually at stated times fixed compensation
    for their services, in which no increase or
    diminution shall be made so as to affect the persons
    actually in office at the time of such increase or diminution.
    That the jurisdiction of the inferior tribunals
    shall be to hear & determine in the first instance,
    and of the supreme tribunal to hear and determine
    in the dernier resort, all Piracies & felonies on the
    high seas, captures from an enemy: cases in which
    foreigners or Citizens of other States applying to
    such jurisdictions may be interested, or which respect
    the collection of the National revenue; impeachments
    of any national officers, and questions
    which may involve the national peace and harmony.

  • 10.

  • Resolvd. that provision ought to be made for
    the admission of States lawfully arising within the
    limits of the United States, whether from a voluntary
    junction of Government & Territory or otherwise,
    with the consent of a number of voices in the
    National Legislature less than the whole.

  • 11.

  • Resd. that a Republican Government & the
    territory of each State, except in the instance of a
    voluntary junction of Government & territory, ought
    to be guarantied by the United States to each State.

  • 12.

  • Resd. that provision ought to be made for the
    continuance of Congress and their authorities and
    privileges, until a given day after the reform of the
    articles of Union shall be adopted, and for the completion
    of all their engagements.


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    13.

  • Resd. that provision ought to be made for the
    amendment of the Articles of Union whensoever it
    shall seem necessary, and that the assent of the National
    Legislature ought not to be required thereto.

  • 14.

  • Resd. that the Legislative Executive & Judiciary
    powers within the several States ought to be
    bound by oath to support the articles of "Union.

  • 15.

  • Resd. that the amendments which shall be
    offered to the Confederation, by the Convention
    ought at a proper time, or times, after the approbation
    of Congress to be submitted to an assembly or
    assemblies of Representatives, recommended by the
    several Legislatures to be expressly chosen by the
    people to consider & decide thereon.

He concluded with an exhortation, not to suffer
the present opportunity of establishing general
peace, harmony, happiness and liberty in the U. S.
to pass away unimproved.[24]

It was then Resolved—That the House will tomorrow
resolve itself into a Committee of the Whole
House to consider of the state of the American
Union—and that the propositions moved by Mr.
Randolph be referred to the said Committee.

Mr. Charles Pinkney laid before the House the
draft of a federal Government which he had prepared,
to be agreed upon between the free and


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independent States of America.[25] —Mr. P. plan ordered
that the same be referred to the Committee
of the Whole appointed to consider the state of the
American Union.[26]



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illustration

CHARLES PINCKNEY'S LETTER.
(Reduced.)



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We the People of the States of New Hampshire
Massachusetts Rhode Island & Providence Plantations


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Connecticut New York New Jersey Pennsylvania
Delaware Maryland Virginia North Carolina
South Carolina & Georgia do ordain, declare &


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illustration

THE PINCKNEY DRAFT.
(Reduced.)



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establish the following Constitution for the government
of ourselves & Posterity.


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Article I:

The Style of this Government shall be The United
States of America & the Government shall consist of
supreme legislative Executive & judicial Powers.

2

The Legislative Power shall be vested in a Congress
to consist of two separate Houses—one to be
called the House of Delegates & the other the
Senate who shall meet on the———— — — Day
of——— every year.

3

The members of the House of Delegates shall be
chosen every——— year by the people of the
several States & the qualification of the electors
shall be the same as those of the electors in the
several States for their legislatures—each member
shall have been a citizen of the United States for
———years; and shall be of— — — years
of age & a resident in the State he is chosen for———
Until a census of the people shall be taken in the
manner herein after mentioned the House of Delegates
shall consist of———— — — to
be chosen from the different States in the following
proportions: for New Hampshire,———; for
Massachusetts——— for Rhode Island,— — —
for Connecticut,——— for New York— — —
for New Jersey,——— for Pennsylvania,— — —
for Delaware,——— for Mary1d.,— — —
for Virginia,——— for North Carolina,— — —


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for South Carolina,——— for Georgia,— — —
& the Legislature shall hereafter regulate the number
of delegates by the number of inhabitants according
to the Provisions herein after made, at the rate
of one for every——— thousand.— All money bills
of every kind shall originate in the house of Delegates
& shall not be altered by the Senate. The House
of Delegates shall exclusively possess the power of
impeachment & shall choose it's own officers &
vacancies therein shall be supplied by the executive
authority of the State in the representation from
which they shall happen.

4

The Senate shall be elected & chosen by the House
of Delegates which House immediately after their
meeting shall choose by ballot——— Senators
from among the Citizens & residents of New Hampshire
———from among those of Massachusetts
—from among those of Rhode Island———
from among those of Connecticut——— from
among those of New York——— from among
those of New Jersey—from among those of
Pennsylvania——— from among those of Delaware
———from among those of Maryland— — —
from among those of Virginia——— from among
those of North Carolina——— from among those
of South Carolina &——— from among those of
Georgia———

The Senators chosen from New Hampshire Massachusetts
Rhode Island & Connecticut shall form one


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class—those from New York New Jersey Pennsylvania
& Delaware one class—& those from Maryland
Virginia North Carolina South Carolina &
Georgia one class.

The House of Delegates shall number these Classes
one two & three & fix the times of their service by
Lot—the first class shall serve for—— — years — the
second for—years & the third for—— —
years—as their times of service expire the House
of Delegates shall fill them up by elections for
———years & they shall fill all vacancies that
arise from death or resignation for the time of service
remaining of the members so dying or resigning.

Each Senator shall be——— years of age at least
—shall have been a Citizen of the United States 4
years before his election & shall be a resident of the
State he is chosen from. The Senate shall choose
its own Officers.

5

Each State shall prescribe the time & manner of
holding elections by the People for the house of
Delegates & the House of Delegates shall be the
judges of the elections returns & Qualifications of
their members.

In each house a Majority shall constitute a
Quorum to do business—Freedom of Speech &
Debate in the legislature shall not be impeached or
Questioned in any place out of it & the Members of
both Houses shall in all cases except for Treason
Felony or Breach of the Peace be free from arrest


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during their attendance at Congress & in going to
& returning from it—Both Houses shall keep journals
of their Proceedings & publish them except on secret
occasions & the yeas & nays may be entered thereon
at the desire of one——of the members present.
Neither house without the consent of the other
shall adjourn for more than——— days nor to
any Place but where they are sitting.

The members of each house shall not be eligible
to or capable of holding any office under the Union
during the time for which they have been respectively
elected nor the members of the Senate for one
year after.

The members of each house shall be paid for their
services by the States which they represent.

Every bill which shall have passed the Legislature
shall be presented to the President of the United
States for his revision—if he approves it he shall
sign it—but if he does not approve it he shall return
it with his objections to the house it originated in,
which house if two thirds of the members present,
notwithstanding the President's objections agree to
pass it, shall send it to the other house with the
President's objections, where if two thirds of the
members present also agree to pass it, the same shall
become a law—& all bills sent to the President &
not returned by him within——— days shall be
laws unless the Legislature by their adjournment
prevent their return in which case they shall not be
laws.


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6th

The Legislature of the United States shall have
the power to lay & collect Taxes Duties Imposts &
excises

To regulate Commerce with all nations & among
the several States.

To borrow money & emit bills of Credit

To establish Post offices.

To raise armies

To build & equip Fleets

To pass laws for arming organizing & disciplining
the Militia of the United States

To subdue a rebellion in any State on application
of its legislature

To coin money & regulate the Value of all coins
& fix the Standard of Weights & measures

To provide such Dock Yards & arsenals & erect
such fortifications as may be necessary for the
United States & to exercise exclusive Jurisdiction
therein

To appoint a Treasurer by ballot

To constitute Tribunals inferior to the Supreme
Court

To establish Post & military Roads

To establish & provide for a national University
at the Seat of the Government of the United States

To establish uniform rules of Naturalization

To provide for the establishment of a Seat of Government
for the United States not exceeding———
miles square in which they shall have exclusive
jurisdiction


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To make rules concerning Captures from an Enemy

To declare the law & Punishment of piracies &
felonies at sea & of counterfeiting Coin & of all
offences against the Laws of Nations

To call forth the aid of the Militia to execute the
laws of the Union enforce treaties suppress insurrections
and repel invasions

And to make all laws for carrying the foregoing
powers into execution.

The Legislature of the United States shall have
the Power to declare the Punishment of Treason
which shall consist only in levying War against the
United States or any of them or in adhering to their
Enemies. No person shall be convicted of Treason
but by the testimony of two witnesses.

The proportion of direct taxation shall be regulated
by the whole number of inhabitants of every
description which number shall within——— years
after the first meeting of the Legislature & within
the term of every——— year after be taken in the
manner to be prescribed by the legislature

No Tax shall be laid on articles exported from
the States—nor capitation tax but in proportion to
the Census before directed

All Laws regulating Commerce shall require the
assent of two thirds of the members present in each
house—The United States shall not grant any title
of Nobility—The Legislature of the United States
shall pass no Law on the subject of Religion, nor
touching or abridging the Liberty of the Press nor


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shall the privilege of the writ of Habeas Corpus ever
be suspended except in case of Rebellion or Invasion.

All acts made by the Legislature of the United
States pursuant to this Constitution & all Treaties
made under the authority of the United States shall
be the supreme Law of the land & all Judges shall
be bound to consider them as such in their decisions.

7

The Senate shall have the sole & exclusive power
to declare War & to make treaties & to appoint Ambassadors
& other Ministers to foreign nations &
Judges of the Supreme Court.

They shall have the exclusive power to regulate
the manner of deciding all disputes & controversies
now subsisting or which may arise between the States
respecting Jurisdiction or Territory.

8

The Executive Power of the United States shall
be vested in a President of the United States of
America which shall be his style & his title shall
be His Excellency. He shall be elected for———
years & shall be reeligible.

He shall from time to time give information to
the Legislature of the state of the Union & recommend
to their consideration the measures he may
think necessary—he shall take care that the laws of
the United States be duly executed: he shall commission
all the officers of the United States & except
as to Ambassadors other ministers and Judges of


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the Supreme Court he shall nominate & with the
consent of the Senate appoint all other officers of the
United States. He shall receive public Ministers
from foreign nations & may correspond with the
Executives of the different States. He shall have
power to grant pardons & reprieves except in impeachments
—He shall be Commander in chief of
the army & navy of the United States & of the
Militia of the several States & shall receive a compensation
which shall not be increased or diminished
during his continuance in office. At entering on the
Duties of his office he shall take an oath faithfully
to execute the duties of a President of the United
States.—He shall be removed from his office on impeachment
by the house of Delegates & Conviction
in the Supreme Court of Treason bribery or Corruption
—In case of his removal death resignation or
disability the President of the Senate shall exercise
the duties of his office until another President be
chosen—& in case of the death of the President of the
Senate the Speaker of the House of Delegates shall
do so.

9

The Legislature of the United States shall have
the Power and it shall be their duty to establish
such Courts of Law Equity & Admiralty as shall
be necessary—The Judges of the Courts shall hold
their offices during good behaviour & receive a compensation,
which shall not be increased or diminished
during their continuance in office—One of these


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Courts shall be termed the Supreme Court whose
jurisdiction shall extend to all cases arising under the
laws of the United States or affecting ambassadors
other public Ministers & Consuls—to the trial of impeachment
of officers of the United States—to all
cases of Admiralty & maritime jurisdiction—In cases
of impeachment affecting ambassadors and other
public Ministers this Jurisdiction shall be original &
in all other cases appellate———

All criminal offences (except in cases of impeachment)
shall be tried in the State where they shall be
committed—the trials shall be open & public &
shall be by Jury.

10

Immediately after the first census of the people
of the United States the House of Delegates shall
apportion the Senate by electing for each State out
of the citizens resident therein one Senator for every
———members each State shall have in the House
of Delegates—Each State shall be entitled to have
at least one member in the Senate.

11

No State shall grant letters of marque & reprisal
or enter into treaty or alliance or confederation nor
grant any title of nobility nor without the Consent
of the Legislature of the United States lay any
impost on imports—nor keep troops or Ships of War
in time of peace—nor enter into compacts with other
States or foreign powers or emit bills of Credit or


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make any thing but Gold Silver or Copper a tender
in payment of debts nor engage in War except for
self defence when actually invaded or the danger
of invasion be so great as not to admit of a delay until
the Government of the United States can be informed
thereof—& to render these prohibitions effectual
the Legislature of the United States shall have
the power to revise the laws of the several States
that may be supposed to infringe the Powers exclusively
delegated by this Constitution to Congress
& to negative & annul such as do.

12

The Citizens of each State shall be entitled to all
privileges & immunities of Citizens in the several
States—Any person charged with Crimes in any
State fleeing from justice to another shall on demand
of the Executive of the State from which he fled be
delivered up & removed to the State having jurisdiction
of the offence.

13

Full faith shall be given in each State to the acts
of the Legislature & to the records & judicial Proceedings
of the Courts & magistrates of every State.

14

The Legislature shall have power to admit new
States into the Union on the same terms with the
original States provided two thirds of the members
present in both Houses agree.


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15

On the application of the legislature of a State
the United States shall protect it against domestic
insurrection.

16

If two thirds of the Legislatures of the States
apply for the same the Legislature of the United
States shall call a Convention for the purpose of
amending the Constitution—or should Congress,
with the Consent of two thirds of each house, propose
to the States amendments to the same—the
agreement of two thirds of the Legislatures of the
States shall be sufficient to make the said amendments
parts of the Constitution.

The Ratification of the conventions of———
States shall be sufficient for organizing this Constitution.[27]

Adjourned.

 
[27]

". . . What will be the result of their meeting I cannot with
any certainty determine, but I hardly think much good can come of
it; the people of America don't appear to me to be ripe for any great
innovations & it seems they are ultimately to ratify or reject: the
weight of Genl. Washington as you justly observe is very great in
America, but I hardly think it is sufficient to induce the people to pay
money or part with power.

"The delegates from the Eastwd. are for a very strong government,
& wish to prostrate all ye. State legislatures, & form a general system
out of ye whole; but I don't learn that the people are with them, on
ye. contrary in Massachusetts they think that government too strong,
& are about rebelling again, for the purpose of making it more democratical:
In Connecticut they have rejected the requisition for ye
present year decidedly, & no Man there would be elected to the office
of a constable if he was to declare that he meant to pay a copper
towards the domestic debt:—R. Island has refused to send members—
the cry there is for a good government after they have paid their debts
in depreciated paper:—first demolish the Philistines (i.e. their creditors)
then for propiety.

"N. Hampshire has not paid a shilling, since peace, & does not ever
mean to pay on to all eternity:—if it was attempted to tax the people
for ye domestic debt 500 Shays would arise in a fortnight.—In N.
York they pay well because they can do it by plundering N. Jersey &
Connecticut.—Jersey will go great lengths from motives of revenge
and Interest: Pensylvany will join provided you let the sessions of
the Executive of America be fixed in Philada. & give her other advantages
in trade to compensate for the loss of State power. I shall make
no observations on the Southern States, but I think they will be
(perhaps from different motives) as little disposed to part with efficient
power as any in the Union. . . ."—William Grayson to James
Monroe, New York, May 29, 1787. Monroe MSS.

 
[21]

"Mr. Charles Pinckney is a young Gentleman of the most promising
talents. He is, altho' only 24 ys. of age, in possession of a very
great variety of knowledge. Government, Law, History, and Phylosophy
are his favorite studies, but he is intimately acquainted with
every species of polite learning, and has a spirit of application and
industry beyond most Men. He speaks with great neatness and perspicuity,
and treats every subject as fully, without running into prolixity,
as it requires. He has been a Member of Congress, and served
in that Body with ability and eclat."—Pierce's Notes, Am. Hist.
Rev
., iii., 333.

[22]

"Mr. Randolph is Governor of Virginia,—a young Gentleman in
whom unite all the accomplishments of the Scholar, and the Statesman.
He came forward with the postulata, or first principles, on
which the Convention acted, and he supported them with a force of
eloquence and reasoning that did him great honor. He has a most
harmonious voice, a fine person and striking manners. Mr. Randolph
is about 32 years of age."—Pierce's Notes, Id., iii., 332.

[23]

In the MS. in Randolph's hand: "[here insert his speech including
his resolutions]." The speech also is in Randolph's hand, having been
furnished by him.

[24]

This abstract of the speech was furnished to J. M. by Mr. Randolph
and is in his handwriting. As a report of it from him had been
relied on, it was omitted by J. M.—Madison's Note. The fifteen resolutions,
constituting the "Virginia Plan," are in Madison's handwriting.

[25]

Robert Yates, delegate from New York, kept notes of the proceedings
of the Convention, until he left July 5th, with his colleague, John
Lansing. They wrote a joint letter to Governor Clinton afterwards,
giving their reasons: "We were not present at the completion of the
new constitution; but before we left the convention, its principles
were so well established as to convince us, that no alteration was to be
expected to conform it to our ideas of expediency and safety."—Secret
Proceedings of the Federal Convention
, 10. Yates's notes are quoted
here, whenever they are at variance with Madison's. He gives
Pinckney's motion as follows: "Mr. C. Pinckney, a member from
South Carolina, then added, that he had reduced his ideas of a new
government to a system, which he read, and confessed that it was
grounded on the same principle as of the above [the Randolph] resolutions."—Id., 97.

[26]

Charles Pinckney wrote to John Quincy Adams:
"Wingaw Near Georgetown December 12 1818

"Sir

"I have just had the honour to receive your favour—Being at
present absent from Charleston on a visit to my planting interest in
this neighbourhood I shall in consequence of your letter shorten my
stay here considerably & return to Town for the purpose of complying
with your request as soon as possible—From an inspection of my old
papers not long ago I know it was then easily in my power to have
complied with your request—I still hope it is & as soon as I return to
my residence in Charleston will again, or as quickly as I can write you
on it to prevent delay.

"The Draught of the Constitution proposed by me was divided into
a number of articles & was in complete detail—the resolutions offered
by Mr Randolph were merely general ones & as far as I recollect they
were both referred to the same Committee.

"With great respect & esteem" &c.

Dept. of State MSS., Miscellaneous Letters.

Three weeks later he wrote again:

"Sir

"On my return to this City as I promised I examined carefully all
the numerous notes & papers which I had retained relating to the
federal Convention—among them I found several rough draughts of
the Constitution I proposed to the Convention—although they differed
in some measure from each other in the wording & arrangement of
the articles—yet they were all substantially the same—they all proceeded
upon the idea of throwing out of view the attempt to amend
the existing Confederation (then a very favorite idea of a number) &
proceeding de novo—of a Division of the Powers of Government into
legislative executive & judicial & of making the Government to operate
directly upon the People & not upon the States. My Plan was substantially
adopted in the sequel except as to the Senate & giving more
power to the Executive than I intended—the force of vote which the
small & middling states had in the Convention prevented our obtaining
a proportional representation in more than one branch & the
great powers given to the President were never intended to have been
given to him while the Convention continued in that patient & coolly
deliberative situation in which they had been for nearly the whole of
the preceding five months of their session nor was it until within the
last week or ten days that almost the whole of the Executive Department
was altered—I can assure you as a fact that for more than Four
months & a half out of five the power of exclusively making treaties,
appointing for the Ministers & judges of the Supreme Court was given
to the Senate after numerous debates & consideration of the subject
both in Committee of the whole & in the house—this I not only aver
but can prove by printed Documents in my possession to have been
the case—& should I ever have the pleasure to see you & converse
on the subject will state to you some things relative to this business
that may be new & perhaps surprising to you—the veil of secrecy
from the Proceedings of the Convention being removed by Congress &
but very few of the members alive would make disclosures now of the
secrets there acted less improper than before—With the aid of the
journal & the numerous notes & memorandums I have preserved
should now be in my power to give a View of the almost insuperable
difficulties the Convention had to encounter & of the conflicting opinions
of the members I believe should have attempted it had I not
always understood Mr Madison intended it—he alone I believe possessed
& retained more numerous & particular notes of their proceedings
than myself. I will thank you sir to do me the honour to
send me or to get the President to direct a copy of the Journal of the
Convention to be sent me as also of the Secret Journals of Congress
should it be considered not improper in me to make the request.

"I have already informed you I have several rough draughts of the
Constitution I proposed & that they are all substantially the same
differing only in words & the arrangement of the Articles—at the distance
of nearly thirty two years it is impossible for me now to say
which of the 4 or 5 draughts I have was the one but enclosed I send
you the one I believe was it—I repeat however that they are substantially
the same differing only in form & unessentials—It may be
necessary to remark that very soon after the Convention met I changed
& avowed candidly the change of my opinion on giving the power to
Congress to revise the State Laws in certain cases & in giving the exclusive
Power to the Senate to declare War thinking it safer to refuse
the first altogether & to vest the latter in Congress—I will thank you
to acknowledge by a line the receipt of the Draught & this.

"With very great respect & esteem
"I have the honour to be your most
"Obedient servant
"Charles Pinckney.

"December 30 1818
"In Charleston."—Const. MSS.

The plan is written upon paper of the same size as the letter, and
with the same ink. It is undoubtedly contemporaneous with the letter.

Madison wrote the following note to accompany his journal:

"The length of the Document laid before the Convention, and other
circumstances having prevented the taking of a copy at the time,
that which is here inserted was taken from the paper furnished to the
Secretary of State, and contained in the Journal of the Convention
published in 1819. On comparing the paper with the Constitution in
its final form, or in some of its Stages; and with the propositions, and
speeches of Mr. Pinckney in the Convention, it would seem that considerable
errour must have crept into the paper; occasioned possibly
by the loss of the Document laid before the convention (neither that
nor the Resolutions offered by Mr. Patterson being among the preserved
papers) and by a consequent resort for a copy to the rough
draught, in which erasures and interlineations following what passed
in the convention, might be confounded with the original text, and
after a lapse of more than thirty years, confounded also in the memory
of the author.

"There is in the paper a similarity in some cases, and an identity in
others, with details, expressions, and definitions, the results of critical
discussions and modifications that can not be ascribed to accident or
anticipation.

"Examples may be noticed in Article VIII of the paper; which is
remarkable also for the circumstance, that whilst it specifies the functions
of the President, no provision is contained in the paper for the
election of such an officer, nor indeed for the appointment of any
executive magistracy; notwithstanding the evident purpose of the
author to provide an entire plan of a Federal Government.

"Again, in several instances where the paper corresponds with the
Constitution, it is at variance with the ideas of M Pinckney, as decidedly
expressed in his propositions, and in his arguments, the former
in the Journal of the Convention, the latter in the report of its debates:
Thus in Art: VIII of the paper, provision is made for removing the
President by impeachment; when it appears that in the convention,
July 20. he was opposed to any impeachability of the Executive magistrate:
In Art: III, it is required that all money-bills shall originate
in the first Branch of the Legislature; which he strenuously opposed
Aug: 8 and again Aug: II: In Art: V members of each House are
made ineligible to, as well as incapable of holding, any office under
the union &c. as was the case at one Stage of the Constitution; a disqualification
highly disapproved and opposed by him Aug: 14.

"A still more conclusive evidence of errour in the paper is seen in
Art: III, which provides, as the Constitution does, that the first Branch
of the Legislature shall be chosen by the people of the several States;
whilst it appears that on the 6th. of June, a few days only after the
Draft was laid before the convention, its author opposed that mode
of choice, urging & proposing in place of it, an election by the Legislatures
of the several States.

"The remarks here made tho' not material in themselves, were due
to the authenticity and accuracy aimed at, in this Record of the proceedings
of a Publick Body, so much an object, sometimes, of curious
research, as at all times, of profound interest."—Mad. MSS.

This note, as given in Gilpin's Madison Papers (1840), is freely
edited. The Pinckney plan is given here as Pinckney sent it to
Adams. Chief-Justice Charles C. Nott, of the U. S. Court of Claims,
informs the editor that correspondence with Pinckney's descendants
reveals the fact that some of the notes to which he alludes in his
letters are extant.

The letter of December 30, 1818, and plan, are printed in The Documentary
History of the Constitution
, i., 309 et seq.