University of Virginia Library


16

CHAPTER III.

Sympathetic Emotions (Kan-lei).

When the Yin and the Yang are at variance, calamitous changes
supervene. Either they arise from the unexpiated guilt of former
generations,[63] or it is the spontaneous action of the fluids. Worthies
and sages feel an emotion by sympathy,[64] and, in their agitation,
think out for themselves the reason for the calamity, implying
some wickedness, having happened. They incriminate themselves,
and from fear that they themselves are culpable take every precaution.
It does not follow that this apprehension is based on facts,[65] as the
following reflection will prove:—

T`ang being visited by a drought, impeached himself of five
faults. Now, a sage is perfect, and his dealings without blemish;
why then must he accuse himself of five faults? But, as the
Shuking has it, T`ang inculpated himself, and Heaven responded
with rain. Originally T`ang was innocent, but he brought the five
charges against himself.[66] Why then did Heaven send the rain?


17

If the drought was caused by innocence, it is obvious that rain
cannot be obtained by self-accusation. From this point of view,
the drought did not happen for T`ang's sake, and the rain was
not a response to his self-indictment, but the previous drought and
the subsequent rain were the effect of the spontaneous fluid. So
much about this passage of the Shuking.

But other difficulties arise:—At the great rain sacrifice of the
Spring and Autumn period, Tung Chung Shu put up a clay dragon.[67]
All are agreed that this refers but to a limited space of time. No
rain having fallen for awhile, out of fear they made the offering,
imploring the Yin and praying for happiness, full of sympathy for
the distress of the people.

T`ang having met with a drought lasting seven years, accused
himself of the five faults. Which time was this? Did he impeach
himself at once, on falling in with the drought, or did he but do
so after the drought had lasted seven years? If we say that
he did so at once, and it rained but seven years later, why did
Heaven responding to his sincerity, put him off so long at first?
And if we hold that he impeached himself after seven years, why
was his compassion with his people so much delayed? The story
neither tallies with the ceremony of the rain sacrifice, nor does it
show any affection for the people, therefore we cannot believe the
words of the Shuking.

Thunder and rain overtaking King Ch`êng of the Chou dynasty
fall under the same head. We learn from the chapter "The Metal-Bound
Coffer
"[68] that, [in autumn, before the big crop was harvested
Heaven hurled down tremendous thunders and lightnings, and that,
owing to the storm, all the grain lay down, and huge trees were
up-rooted, so that all inhabitants were exceedingly frightened.][69] At
this time the duke of Chou died.[70] The Literati contend that King


18

Ch`êng was in doubt about the duke of Chou, whether he should bury
him with imperial honours, the duke being but a minister, or
whether he should follow the rites prescribed for a minister, the
deserts of the duke being equal to those of an emperor. While he
was thus wavering with regard to the funeral of the duke, Heaven
sent a big thunder-storm with rain, manifesting its anger by this
phenomenon, in order to illustrate the achievements of the sage.

The archæologists maintain that at the decease of Wu Wang,
when the Duke of Chou had become regent, evil reports were spread
about him in Kuan and Ts`ai.[71] The king mistrusted him, and the
duke fled to Ch`u.[72] Thereupon, Heaven sent a tempest with rain to
undeceive King Ch`êng. Thus, the phenomenon of thunder and rain
was either due to the king's misgivings about the burial or to his
belief in those slanderous reports. The two schools could not make
it out.

If we accept the statement about the funeral we find that in
autumn and summer the Yang fluid is at its cynosure, and there is
any amount of rain and thunder-storms, and, as regards the up-rooting
of trees and the lying down of the corn, they are, likewise,
of frequent occurrence.

During the tempest King Ch`êng took alarm. He opened the
book in the metal-bound coffer, and learned the merits of Chou Kung.
Holding the book in his hands, he bewailed his error and reproached
himself most severely.[73] This self-impeachment took place when,
accidentally, Heaven sent a contrary wind. The scholiasts of the
Shuking then fancied that Heaven was indignant on account of the
Duke of Chou.

During a thousand autumns, and ten thousand summers there
is never a cessation of tempests and rain. If both be regarded
as manifestations of Heaven's anger, is august Heaven irate year
after year? In the first month, the Yang fluid pours out, and the
sound of thunder is first heard. In summer and autumn, the Yang
reaches its climax, and there is crashing of thunder. Provided
that the thunder of summer and autumn be deemed an expression
of Heaven's great wrath, is the thunder in the first month a manifestation
of its minor irritation?


19

Thunder being expressive of Heaven's anger, rain must be
accounted a blessing. Now flying into a passion on account of
the Duke of Chou, Heaven ought to have thundered, but not to
have rained. Since rain fell simultaneously, was Heaven pleased
and angry at the same time?

Confucius did not cry and sing on the same day,[74] and according
to the Rites of the Chou[75] on the tse mao days,[76] when millet
and vegetable soup were eaten, sorrow and joy were not uttered
simultaneously. Sorrow and joy were not uttered simultaneously,
and cheerfulness and anger should be combined?

When Ch`in Shih Huang Ti sacrificed in the east on Mount
T`ai, a tempest with rain broke loose,[77] and when dame Liu reposed
on the banks of a big pond, a tempest and rain darkened
the sky.[78] Ch`in Shih Huang Ti, in spite of his villainy, would rank
with the former sages, and looked upon his own outrageous reign
as a time of universal peace. It may be that this roused the indignation
of Heaven. When dame Liu reposed near the big pond,
she dreamed that she met with a spirit. At that time she begot
Kao Tsu. Why was Heaven so furious at the birth of a sage,
that it sent thunder and rain?

In Yao's time a storm caused great havoc, and Yao had this big
storm fettered in the wilds of Ch`ing-ch`iu.[79] When Shun entered a
big mountain forest, there was a fearful wind, thunder, and rain.[80]
Yao and Shun were the exalted rulers of their age; how have they
sinned against Heaven, that it caused wind and rain?

At a time of great dryness, in the Ch`un-ch`iu epoch, the
rain-sacrifice was performed. Tung Chung Shu, moreover, put up a
clay-dragon to attract the fluid by sympathy.[81] If Heaven responded
to the rain dragon, it must have produced a tempest with rain,
because the rain of summer and autumn always comes accompained
by thundrstorms. In case this method of the Ch`un-ch`iu epoch


20

of Tung Chung Shu be followed, does the dragon at the great
rain-sacrifice attract Heaven's anger?

When the music-master K`uang played the song "White
Snow," a flash of lightning was seen, and when he thrummed a tune
in A major, a violent storm with rain broke loose.[82] Provided that a
tempest and rain be indicative of Heaven's wrath, why did it dislike
"White Snow" and A major so much as to resent the music-master's
playing them? This is a difficulty about thunder and rain.

Another question may be asked:—Because King Ch`êng would
not grant Chou Kung imperial funeral honours, Heaven sent thunder
and storm, curbed down the corn, and up-rooted trees. The king
took the hint, and holding the book, deplored his fault, when
Heaven sent a contrary wind, and the lying grain rose up again.
Wherefore did it not stop the storm at once and thereby uplift
the big trees again, and why were the inhabitants expected to raise
them up and replace them?[83]

Reply:—Heaven could not do it.

Question:—Then, are there things which Heaven is unable
to do?

Reply:—Yes.

Objection:—When Mêng Pên[84] pushed a man he fell down, and
when he took hold of him, he rose again. He took a man, and
made him stand upright. If Heaven could merely pull out trees,
but not uplift them again, its strength would be inferior to that
of Mêng Pên.

During the Ch`in time three mountains disappeared.[85] They,
also, say that they were transferred by Heaven. Now, how can
the weight of trees be compared with that of three mountains?
That Heaven could transfer the three mountains, and was incapable
of raising big trees, is not what we should expect from its strength.
If the three mountains are believed not to have vanished by Heaven's
instrumentality, does it produce but thunder and rain?

Reply:—Heaven wished to induce King Ch`êng to bury the
Duke of Chou in accordance with imperial rites, for the duke was
possessed of the virtue of a sage, and he had the deserts of an
emperor. The Classic says, [Then the king found the words spoken
by Chou Kung, at his death, about his meritorious deed of taking


21

the place of King Wu . . . and that now Heaven had moved its
terrors to display the virtue of the Duke of Chou].[86]

Objection:—Yi Yin as prime minister to T`ang defeated the
Hsia dynasty. He promoted the welfare of the people and kept
off distress, so that universal peacc reigned all over the world.
After T`ang's death, he again became minister to T`ai Chia. Because
the latter was lazy and dissolute, he banished him into the
T`ung[87] palace, and conducted the government for three years.[88] Then
he retired, after having restored the king to his dignity. Chou
Kung
said, "Yi Yin followed the example of august Heaven."[89]
Heaven should have made it public. Why did Heaven not cause
thunder and rain at Yi Yin's death?

Reply:—According to the "Hundred Chapters on Rain,"[90] when
Yi Yin died there was a great mist for three days.

(Objection):—A great mist for three days is an abnormal fluid
and not a phenomenon expressive of Heaven's anger. Chang Pa
of Tung-hai[91] is the author of this "Rain Book." Although his
statement be not trustworthy, yet we shall use it as the basis of
our inquiry:

Heaven produced thunder and rain for the purpose of rousing
King Ch`êng. Did the thunder cease before the king had opened
the metal-bound trunk, or after he had opened it?

Reply:—Thunder ceased before he had opened the trunk. It
was in the trunk that he found the book wherefrom he learned
the merits of the duke. Having become aware of his mistake, he
deplored it and resolved to bury the duke with imperial honours.
When he went out into the suburbs and saw the phenomenal
changes, Heaven had already stopped the rain and blown a contrary
wind, and all the grain had risen up again.[92] Consequently,


22

thunder and rain had already stopped before King Ch`êng was
sensible of his fault.

Objection:—If for Yi Yin's sake there were three foggy days,
why did not Heaven send thunder and rain for three days, and
had not the king to become enlightened first before they ceased?

Under the régime of T`ai Mou a mulberry and a paper-mulberry
grew together in the court, which after seven days showed
a circumference of a span. T`ai Mou meditated on government,
when the two trees faded away.[93] In the time of Duke Ching of
Sung, Mars occupied the place of the "Heart" constellation. The
duke uttered three excellent maxims, whereupon Mars passed
through several mansions.[94] Had T`ai Mou not reflected on government,
and Duke Ching not made the three utterances, the mulberry
and the paper-mulberry would not have vanished, nor would Mars
have shifted its place, for it was by means of these calamitous
changes that Heaven made its admonitions. That these calamities
should not he removed before its admonitions had been taken notice
of, was wisely ordained by Heaven.[95] Now Heaven in its anger
caused thunder and rain to reprove King Ch`êng, but thunder and
rain stopped before the king had caught the intimation. What
is the reason of this haste?

Another objection:—It is customary to style the sons of princes:—"Son
of a Lord" and their grandsons:—"Grandson of a
Lord." All of them live on fiefs, and distinguish themselves from
common folk. The sons as well as the grandsons of lords are nearly
related to the chief of the house and noble. They are called lords
with full right, and live on their domains. Their title agrees with
the real state of affairs, and there is conformity of essence and
outward appearance. Heaven exhibited the virtue of Chou Kung,
and ordered King Ch`êng to bury him in imperial style. Why
then did it not command the king to call Chou Kung King Chou,
to be in accordance with imperial honours?

Reply:—King is the title of the highest nobility to which a
minister has no right.


23

Objection:—But do not ministers, also, obtain the title of king?
When King Wu had defeated Chou, and returned from his expedition
he carried back the title of king[96] to T`ai Wang, Wang Chi,
and Wên Wang, all three of them feudal lords and ministers to
boot, but the title of king was conferred upon them. Why could
this only be done in the case of these three personages, but not for
the Duke of Chou? If Heaven intended to make the Duke illustrious,
how could it manifest it? Did these three men bear the marks
of royalty? However, royal merits were also achieved by Chou Kung.

The Yangtse rises from the Min[97] mountains, and in its course
forms currents and rapids. But can these currents and rapids be
placed on a par with the source from which it flows? For whom
did the aromatic liquor arrive, and who was presented with the
white pheasants, the three kings[98] or the Duke of Chou?[99]

The merits and the virtue of the duke of Chou eclipsed those
of the three kings, yet the title of king was not bestowed upon
him. Was Heaven displeased with the inconsiderate use men made
of this title? At the decline of the Chou dynasty, the rulers of
six States styled themselves kings, those of Ch`i and Ch`in became
even emperors. At that time Heaven did not prevent it nor cause
any change displaying its anger, however, when Chou Kung was
not interred with imperial rites, it sent thunder and rain to reprimand
King Ch`êng. Why was there such a lack of uniformity concerning
the pleasure and displeasure of Heaven?

Another objection:—Chi Sun of Lu had presented Tsêng Tse
with a fine mat. When Tsêng Tse fell sick he slept upon it. His
attendant observed, "How beautifully figured and lustrous is this
mat! It is the mat of a great officer." Tsêng Tse felt ashamed and
bade Yuan change the mat, for, according to custom, a scholar
should not sleep on a mat of a great officer.[100] Now, Chou Kung,
a minister, being buried like an emperor, would his soul, provided
it still possessed consciousness, feel at ease?


24

Reply:—Why should it not acquiesce in what King Ch`êng did,
and Heaven admitted?

Objection:—Was the mat of a great officer presented by Chi
Sun
woven by Tsêng Tse himself?[101] Why did he alone not feel
at ease?

[The Master being very ill, Tse Lu sent the disciples to act
as officers to him. During a remission of his illness, he said, "Long
has the conduct of Yu been deceitful! By pretending to have
officers when I have them not, whom should I impose upon?
Should I impose upon Heaven?"][102]

Confucius blamed Tse Lu for calling upon the disciples to act
as officers to him, although he was not a sovereign. To do
something recklessly and contrary to the wish of Heaven is imposing
upon Heaven. Chou Kung was not a son of Heaven either. If
we credit him with the same feelings as Confucius, he certainly
cannot have felt at ease.

[The chief of the Chi family was about to sacrifice to the T`ai
mountain . . . . .[103] Confucius said, "Does Tsêng say that the T`ai
mountain is not so discerning as Lin Fang?[104] ][105]

He was of opinion that even Tsêng Tse with his small abilities
would repudiate such an idea as improper. Chou Kung was a sage
of first order, how could he have acquiesced in an imperial burial?
Should the Duke of Chou be held to be less critical than Tsêng
Tse?
From this point of view, Chou Kung could not feel at ease.
A great man equals Heaven and Earth in virtue,[106] If Chou Kung
was dissatisfied, Heaven would have been dissatisfied too, why then
should it have caused thunder and rain to reprove King Ch`êng?

Another question may be asked:—`Life and death depend on
destiny; wealth and honour proceed from Heaven.'[107] How could
there be a substitution for Wu Wang's life?

Reply:—When Wu Wang dreamed of the nine twelve-months,
Heaven took several years from Wên Wang which it added to Wu


25

Wang's span.[108] In the second year after the destruction of the Yin
dynasty, the term of these nine twelve-months was not yet up.
Wu Wang was suffering, therefore Chou Kung prayed for him. As
a rule, man's life cannot be prayed for, only in the case of Wu
Wang
it was possible. But it was an unusual device, and, for that
reason, preserved in the metal-bound trunk. It could not be repeated,
and therefore was concealed and stored away.

Objection:—Did Wu Wang obtain the years of Wên Wang already
during the dream on the nine twelve-months, or not yet?

Reply:—He did obtain them.

Objection:—If he had already received the years of Wên Wang,
his life ought to have been prolonged of itself, and, in the second
year after the overthrow of the Yin, he was not going to die, in
spite of his sickness. Why, then, did the Duke of Chou still need
pray, and take his place?

Reply:—When a sovereign raises somebody to a high post,
he does not forthwith give it him though it be already resolved
upon, for the clerks must first have made the necessary entries
into the archives, before the monarch can give his formal sanction.
Although Heaven had taken away the years from Wên Wang to add
them to those of Wu Wang, the Duke of Chou had to pray for
him before he definitely obtained them.

(Objection):—Fate regulating the length of life is a very subtle
essence, and not to be obtained in a dream.

Reply:—By the dream of the nine twelve-months it could
be obtained.

Objection:—As regards this dream of the nine twelve-months,
Wên Wang dreamed that he gave nine twelve-months to Wu Wang,[109]
and Wu Wang, that God granted him nine twelve-months. Consequently,
Heaven had already granted, and Wu Wang obtained
them; what need was there for a further prayer?

A person going to be called to office receives his new dignity
in a dream, beforehand, and afterwards is appointed without
further recommendation, for a presage is seen in advance and necessarily
followed by its realisation.

The ancients called a year a twelve-month.[110] The acquisition
of nine twelve-months is like a man's dream of promotion. If the


26

Duke of Chou relying on the dream that was bound to be realised,
invoked Heaven, how could his merit be reputed very great?

Another question:—People admire him to whom they must look
up to and in whom they trust, irrespective of the greatness of his
achievements or the number of his perfections. Had Chou Kung
not become the substitute of King Wu, and King Wu died of his
illness, would Chou Kung, conjointly with King Ch`êng, have been
qualified to bring about universal peace all over the empire?

Reply:—Indeed, Chou Kung supporting King Ch`êng, there would
have been no troubles in the empire. If Wu Wang had not found
a substitute, and subsequently had died of his disease, Chou Kung,
no doubt, would have been able to secure a general peace.

Objection:—Under these circumstances, the life of King Wu
was of no advantage, and his death, no great loss, since to achieve
success the Duke of Chou was required.

When the Chou dynasty was on the decline, and the princes
in open revolt, Kuan Chung[111] united them, and rectified the empire.
Confucius said, ["But for Kuan Chung, we should now be wearing
our hair unbound, and the lappets of our coats buttoned on the
left side[112] ].[113] If it had not been for Kuan Chung who united the
princes, the I and the Ti would have continued their incursions
into China until they had extinguished it. This disgrace threatened,
if it had not been for Kuan Chung.

Ch`êng Liang magnifying the accomplishments of Kuan Chung,
placed him on a level with the Duke of Chou. When Kuan Chung
expired, Duke Huan did not bury him with the ceremonies customary
for a prince. Heaven ought to have been angry as in the case of
the Duke of Chou; why did it not produce a faint sound of thunder,
and send down a little rain at least? Did it regard Chou Kung as
a sage, and Kuan Chung not as a wise man?

Kuan Chung possessed a stand for inverted cups, and the
San-kuei tower.[114] Confucius censured him, and did not take him for
a wise man.[115] Such stands, and the San-kuei tower were privileges
of princes as a burial, according to the ritual of the son of Heaven,
is a royal prerogative. Both were ministers, and in this capacity
not entitled to such honours.


27

A great man agrees with Heaven and Earth in virtue.[116] Confucius
is such a great man. He criticized Kuan Chung for claiming rites
not belonging to him. If Heaven desired Chou Kung to encroach
upon the royal institutions, this would not prove the conformity
of its virtue with that of Confucius. The statement of the commentators
of the Shuking, therefore, cannot be correct.

The observation of the foot-prints of birds gave rise to the
invention of writing, and the aspect of creeping plants flying about
led to the construction of carts. Heaven did not convey its commands
to Ts`ang Hsieh[117] by the foot-prints of birds nor impress Hsi
Chung
[118] with the flying creepers, but these creepers deeply affected
Hsi Chung, and Ts`ang Hsieh was struck at the foot-prints.

When Duke Wên of Chin returned to his country[119] he gave
orders for the removal of Mi Mê (?)[120] This made such an impression
upon his uncle Fan, that he quitted his post and returned home.
Duke Wên, having Mi Mê dismissed, did not intend to expel his
uncle Fan, but Fan felt abashed, likening himself to Mi Mê.

Hua Ch`ên[121] of Sung, despising the weakness of his clan, employed
six ruffians, attached to his family, to murder Hua Wu[122] in Sung
with a long spear. They had been ordered to do the deed behind
the house of Ho, Master of the Left. The Master of the Left
was afraid, and said to them, "The old man has committed no
crime." Subsequently, the Master of the Left bore a grudge to
Hua Ch`ên, who took his precautions. The people pursued a mad
dog, which entered the premises of Hua Ch`ên. The latter, under
the delusion that the Master of the Left was coming to attack
him, climbed over the wall and made his escape.[123]


28

Hua Ch`ên, of himself, killed Hua Wu, and the Master of the
Left became afraid; the people, of themselves, pursued the mad
dog, and Hua Ch`ên, of himself, ran away. The fright of King
Ch`êng was of this kind. He had misgivings about his not burying
the duke with imperial honours, and when he met with thunder
and rain his fears knew no bounds. It is by no means evident
that by way of thunder and rain, Heaven intimated its disapproval
to the king, but when they came King Ch`êng took alarm and
impeached himself. His emotion is like the feeling of Ts`ang Hsieh
and Hsi Chung; and his alarm, like the agitation of the Master of
the Left and of Hua Ch`ên.

Harbouring thoughts of distrust and discomfort, and falling
in with a vehement outburst of the elements, one sees in it the
proof of some affinity, and Heaven's wrath becomes a well established
fact. Noticing such an affinity of events, one is affected even in
silence and solitude, and how could King Ch`êng be expected to
have remained free of terror, being already afraid and, in addition,
hearing the noise of thunder and rain shaking the roof of his
carriage?

When there were incessant thunderclaps and the storm was
raging, Confucius would change countenance. According to the
Rites a superior man, hearing thunder, must sit up in full dress
and with his hat on, though it be night[124] , out of respect for the
thunder and in awe of the elements.

A sage is a superior man with untarnished virtue, and yet,
conforming to Heaven, he is agitated. How, then, should King Ch`êng
already troubled with doubts about Chou Kung, not tremble with
fear, upon hearing the sudden outburst of thunder and rain?

Thunder and rain would seem to be produced by the heavenly
fluid, and the fright of King Ch`êng, to result from the influence
of similar objects upon his mind. The principle of Heaven is inaction.
If Heaven by thunder and rain did scold at, and vent its
anger against mankind, then it might, as well, kill the vicious by
thunder and rain. In ancient times, there were a great many
wicked people, why were they not exterminated with thunder and
rain? Why had sages to be called upon to raise troops and move
armies[125] , and to take the trouble of blunting their swords in killing
their adversaries, whereas it would have been so easy to destroy


29

them with one flash of lightning? Would Heaven not have shunned
the difficulty of crushing the enemies by force of arms?

Some narrate of the emperor Ti Yi,[126] the father of Chou, that
he was in the habit of shooting at Heaven,[127] and flogging the Earth.
On an excursion between the Ching and the Wei,[128] he was struck
by lightning and killed[129] . Thus Heaven destroys depraved characters
by a thunderbolt.

However, how could the wickedness of Ti Yi be compared
with that of Chieh and Chou? Tsou Po Ch`i[130] discoursing on the
depravity of Chieh and Chou, says that it fell short of doomed
Ch`in, and doomed Ch`in's fell short of Wang Mang's. Nevertheless, the
territories of Chieh and Chou, of Ch`in and Wang Mang were spared
by thunder and lightning.

Confucius wrote the Ch`un-ch`iu in such a way, that he recommended
the slightest good thing, and blamed the smallest evil, but
in recommending goodness, he did not exaggerate its excellence,
and in blaming evil, he did not magnify its wickedness. A man
like him would never have made great reproaches for a small
offence. In view of the slight doubts of King Ch`êng, Heaven caused
a big tempest. If he had made up his mind to bury the duke like
an official, why should the phenomenal change be so excessive?
According to the "Examination of Doubts" in the "Great Plan"[131] it
is owing to the weakness of their intellect that people often do
not understand the meaning of calamities, yet Heaven does not
reprove them for their doubts. The doubts of King Ch`êng were
not yet settled, when Heaven reprimanded him by the big tempest.
This cannot have been the intention of august Heaven, I should
say, and I am afraid that the writers on the Shuking have missed
the truth.

 
[63]

This is not in accordance with Wang Ch`ung's system advocating spontaneity
and must be taken merely hypothetically as one of two possibilities, either .... or.

[64]

Sages have many affinities with Heaven whieh manifests itself by them.
Therefore Heaven being agitated, they are agitated too.

[65]

Wang Ch`ung goes on to prove that all these apprehensions and self-reproaches
are baseless.

[66]

No such passage is to be found in our text of the Shuking, but in the
Ti-wang-shi-chi of the 3d cent. a.d. quoted in the T`ai-p`ing-yü-lan chap. 83, p. 2r.
we read, "After T`ang had destroyed Chieh there was a great drought for seven years,
so that the Lo dried up. He ordered tripods to be brought and thus prayed to the
Mountains and Rivers:—`Have my desires been dissolute? Have I caused pain to
the people? Has there been bribery? Have calumniators been predominant? Has
there been too much building of palaces? Has the society of women been sought too
much? What is the cause of this absolute want of rain?' The historiographer of Yin
divined and said that a man ought to be sacrificed. `It is for the people that I pray
for rain,' replied T`ang. `If a man is to be immolated I wish to be the one.' Then
he fasted, cut his hair, and pared his nails to take the place of the victim. At an
altar in a mulberry grove he prayed, `I, the young man, have come and dare to
offer myself as a black victim. I here declare before august Heaven and Earth, if
the ten thousand regions have any sins, may they fall upon my person, and if I have
any guilt, may it not involve the ten thousand regions.
May not the imprudence of
one single man induce God and the Spirits to injure the life of the people.' He had
not yet finished these words, when a mighty rain poured down over several thousand
miles."

Here T`ang impeaches himself with six, not with five faults. Only the words
in Italics occur in the Shuking, T`ang-kao, with some variations. The gist of the
above quotation is also given by Legge, Chinese Classics Vol. III, Part I, p. 190,
Concluding Note.

[67]

With the object of attracting rain. Cf. chap. XXXII.

[68]

[OMITTED] Part V, Book VI of the Shuking.

[69]

Quotation from Shuking Part V, Book VI, 16 (Legge, Classics Vol. III,
Part II, p. 359).

[70]

This is in accordance with the Shi-chi chap. 33, p. 6r. (Chavannes, Mém.
Hist.
Vol. IV, p. 100, Note 1), but not with the Shuking, where the Duke of Chou
is supposed to be banished, but still alive.

[71]

Territories in modern Honan which were given as fiefs to the two younger
brothers of Wu Wang, who spread the reports about the Duke of Chou. Cf. Shi-chi
chap. 4, p. 15v. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 245, Note 2).

[72]

The Shuking only says that for two years Chou Kung resided in the East.
According to the Shi-chi loc. cit. the calumnies had no effect.

[73]

See Shuking loc. cit. Book VI, 18.

[74]

Analects VII, 9.

[75]

The Liki.

[76]

Days designated by these cyclical signs in the calendar.

[77]

Cf. Shi-chi chap. 28, p. 11v. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. III, p. 439) and
Vol. I, p. 334, Note 4.

[78]

See Vol. I, p. 177.

[79]

Quoted from Huai Nan Tse VIII, 6v. Yao's assistant Yi bound the storm,
which must be conceived as the storm-god, Fêng-po.

[80]

Quoted from Shuking Part II, Book I, chap. 3 (Legge, Classics Vol. III,
Part I, p. 32).

[81]

See above p. 17.

[82]

For this story see Vol. I, p. 222 where all the details are given.

[83]

As is related in the Shuking loc. cit.

[84]

A man celebrated for his strength. Cf. Vol. I, p. 380, Note 4.

[85]

See Vol. I, p. 276.

[86]

Shuking Part V, Book VI, 16 and 18. (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part II,
p. 359.) All the three editions write, [OMITTED]. In
the Shuking [OMITTED] is replaced by [OMITTED].

[87]

A place said to have been situated in P`u-chou-fu (Shansi).

[88]

Cf. Shuking Part IV, Book V, 9 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part I, p. 203) and
Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 6r. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 189).

[89]

Shuking Part V, Book XVI, 7 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part II, p. 477).

[90]

[OMITTED].

[91]

A scholar of the 1st cent. b.c. Vid. Vol. I, p. 448.

[92]

See Shuking loc. cit. Book VI, 19, where we have a different reading:—
[OMITTED] "Heaven sent down rain" instead of [OMITTED] "Heaven stopped the
rain," of our text, which latter is preferable.

[93]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 328, where the same story is told of the Shang emperor Kao
Tsung = Wu Ting,
1324-1266 b.c. and p. 161 Note 4 where it is likewise ascribed
to Kao-Tsung. T`ai Mou reigned from 1637-1563 b.c. According to the Shi-chi
chap. 3, p. 7r. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. 1, p. 190) this prodigy happened under
T`ai Mou, not Kao Tsung.

[94]

See Vol. I, p. 328, Note 5 and p. 153.

[95]

An argument merely used rhetorically to combat the view that thunder and
rain stopped before King Ch`êng had repented, for Wang Ch`ung holds that Heaven
never acts on purpose.

[96]

[OMITTED], expression quoted from the Chung-yung XVIII, 3 (Legge, Classics
Vol. I, p. 401). The three persons raised to royal dignity after their death are the
father and the ancestors of the founder of the Chou dynasty. A similar practice
has been followed by later dynasties, the reigning Manchu dynasty included.

[97]

A range of mountains in the north of Ssechuan.

[98]

The Ancestral King, King Chi, and King Wên, mentioned above.

[99]

White pheasants and aromatic plants were presented as tribute to the Duke
of Chou by the Yüeh-shang and the Japanese. Cf. Vol. I, p. 505.

[100]

This episode is found in the Liki Book II, Sect. I, Part I, 18 (Legge, Liki
Vol. I, p. 128).

[101]

Tsêng Tse was not directly responsible for the mat, the soi-disant too great
honour was conferred upon him by the chief of the Chi family, just as the excessive
funeral rites were performed by King Ch`êng for Chou Kung.

[102]

Quoted from Analects IX, 11.

[103]

It was improper for a nobleman to offer a sacrifice reserved for the king.

[104]

A man of Lu who once asked Confucius about ceremonies.

[105]

Quotation from Analects III, 6. There is a great discrepancy in Legge's
translation, who takes [OMITTED] for a particle, whereas Wang Ch`ung explains it as a
name viz. that of Confucius' disciple Tsêng Tse.

[106]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 128.

[107]

See Vol. I, p. 136.

[108]

See Vol. I, p. 316, Note 3.

[109]

Only the dream of Wu Wang is mentioned in the Liki, not that of Wên Wang.

[110]

[OMITTED] ling. This explanation is also taken from the Liki loc. cit.

[111]

Famous minister of Duke Huan of Ch`i, 7th cent. b.c.

[112]

i. e., we would be savages, following their customs.

[113]

Quotation from Analects XIV, 18.

[114]

The name of an extravagant tower built by Kuan Chung.

[115]

Cf. Analects III, 22.

[116]

See above p. 24, Note 6.

[117]

The inventor of writing, cf. Vol. I, p. 87, Note 4.

[118]

The inventor of carriages, cf. Vol. I, p. 87, Note 5.

[119]

In b.c. 636 after nineteen years of exile.

[120]

[OMITTED]. I could not find any reference to this in the Tso-chuan or the
Shi-chi, nor do the encyclopedias know a man of the name of Mi Mê. Both words are
family names, and Mi is also an old State in Hupei and Hunan. If we take to
be the surname of the person, Mi might be his country. The two historical works
only inform us that Fan proposed leaving his nephew, but was reconciled. Tso-chuan,
Duke Hsi 21th year.

[121]

A minister in Sung.

[122]

The steward of Hua Ch`ên's nephew.

[123]

The gist of this account is contained in the Tso-chuan, Duke Hsiang 17th year
(Legge, Classics Vol. V, Part II, p. 473), but the two versions differ in some details.
In the Classic the Master of the Left does not menace Hua Ch`ên and even intercedes
for him with the duke. Nothing is said about his climbing over a wall.

[124]

Vid. Vol. I, p. 295 seq.

[125]

Like T`ang who overthrew the Hsia and Wên Wang who destroyed the
Shang dynasty, both reputed great sages.

[126]

1191-1155 b.c.

[127]

Yi hung up a sack filled with blood and shooting at it, declared that he
was shooting at Heaven.

[128]

Two rivers in Shensi.

[129]

The passage seems to be culled from the Shi-chi chap. 3, p. 10r. (Chavannes,
Mêm. Hist.
Vol. I, p. 198) where, however, the flogging of the Earth is not mentioned.

[130]

An author of the Han time, cf. Vol. I, p. 87.

[131]

[OMITTED] a chapter of the Shuking Part V, Book IV, 20 (Legge, Classics
Vol. III, Part II, p. 334) where different methods of solving doubts are given.