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CHAPTER XIV.

A Definition of Worthies (Ting-hsien).

Sages are difficult to know, and it is much easier to recognise
a Worthy than a Sage. Ordinary people are unable to recognise
even a Worthy, how then could they find out a Sage? Although
they pretend to know Worthies, this is a random statement. But
from what signs may Worthies be known, and by what method?

Are officials holding high positions and being wealthy and
honoured to be looked upon as Worthies?

Wealth and honour are heavenly fate. Those who by fate
are wealthy and honoured, are not Worthies, nor can those who
by fate are poor and miserable be held to be depraved. Should
wealth and honour be made the criterion of virtue and vice, then
officials would have to rely solely on their abilities, and not on fate.

Are those Worthies who in serving their sovereign take care
to gloss over everything and never to give offence?

These are those pliant courtiers, sycophants, and favourites
who never say a word, without considering its effect upon their
master, and in all their doings are opportunists. They never show
any backbone, or dare to make opposition, and consequently never
run the risk of being dismissed or cashiered. Or they have a
stately and handsome bodily frame and a pleasing appearance, so
that the emperor does not look at them with disfavour, which
assures their good fortune, for they enjoy the imperial grace to
an extraordinary degree. Still they cannot be called Worthies.

Are those Worthies whom the government chooses for employment,
and who thus come to honour?

Of those who make a show of themselves and are known to
others, a great many are promoted, whereas those living in obscurity
and retirement and unknown to the world, very seldom are recommended.
This was the case with Shun. Yao wishing to employ


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him, first inquired about Kun and Kung Kung.[587] Thus even the
chiefs of the mountains[588] were unqualified. Therefore, the selection
and promotion of a man does not inform us about his real character.
Sometimes men of superior virtue are recommended by very few
persons, whereas a great many intercede for men of inferior talents.
An enlightened ruler, wishing to employ good men, in order to
find out whether they are really good or bad, inquires into the
faults of all those introduced to him.

Moreover, he who consorts with many people and tries to
win the heart of the masses, is generally liked and praised. On
the other side, whoever is so pure and upright, that he does not
feel at home with his own kindred, and whose lofty aspirations
preclude any intimacy with low characters, loses the general sympathy,
and people dislike and slander him. Thus, a name is often
won by the art of ingratiating one's self, and defamation often a
consequence of the loss of sympathy.

King Wei of Ch`i[589] enfeoffed the great officer of Chi-mo[590] , in
spite of his having been slandered, and caused the great officer of
O[591] to be boiled, notwithstanding his fame. The former had great
merits, but no fame, whereas the latter had done nothing, but was
very celebrated.[592]

[Tse Kung asked how a person was who was liked by all his
fellow-villagers. Confucius replied that that was not sufficient. He
then asked again about a man hated by all his fellow-villagers.
The master replied that that would not do either. The best thing
would be, if all the good ones among the villagers esteemed and
all the bad ones amongst them hated him.[593] ] Accordingly, it does
not follow that a person praised and belauded by the majority,
whom big and small, all declare to be a man of honour, is a Worthy.
If the good speak well of him, and the wicked disparage him, so
that one half defames, the other extols him, he may be a Worthy.


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Then, provided that a man meet with the approval of the
virtuous and be vilified by the wicked, may we see a Worthy in him?

Thus Worthies would be recognised conformably to the principle
laid down by Confucius. But we do not know whether he who
praises somebody be virtuous, or whether another speaking ill of
him, be a bad man. It happens that those who praise are wicked,
and that those disparaging are good. People are thus led astray
and cannot draw a distinction.

May those be taken for Worthies to whom the masses turn
and who assemble hosts of guests and retainers?

Those to whom the masses turn are oftentimes persons having
intercourse with many people. The public likes and esteems them
and turns to them in great numbers. Either are they noble and
exalted, and may be of use, or they are partial to warriors and
condescending to guests, forgetting their dignity and waiting upon
Worthies. The princes of Hsin Ling, Mêng Ch`ang, P`ing Yuan, and
Ch`un Shên[594] entertained thousands of guests and were called worthy
peers and great generals, but Wei Ch`ing[595] and Ho Ch`ü Ping[596] had
not a single guest in their houses and, nevertheless, were celebrated
generals. Thus many guests and followers assemble in the palaces
of kind and condescending princes and of Worthies who may be
useful or dangerous. If somebody is not fond of soldiers he must
not be held in low repute for that, although the masses do not
turn to him, and the warriors do not follow him.

Is he a Worthy who is in a position to govern others, and
who wins people's hearts to such an extent, that they sing songs
in his praise?

To gain the affections of the people does not differ from
currying favour with the warriors. Propitiating the people by
empty favours, one takes their fancy, and they are pleased and
happy. We may adduce T`ien Ch`êng Tse of Ch`i[597] and King Kou
Chien
of Yüeh[598] as examples. T`ien Ch`êng Tse wishing to usurp the


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authority in Ch`i, would use a big bushel, while lending out grain,
and a small one, when taking it back, so that people were enchanted.
Kou Chien, with a view to wiping out the disgrace of Kuei-chi,[599]
insinuated himself with his people by condoling, when somebody
had died, and inquiring after people's health, so that all were
charmed. Both had their own selfish ends, for which they needed
the support of others, and merely humbugged their people. There
was no sincerity in them, yet people were contented.

The prince of Mêng-Ch`ang[600] wished to pass through a gate
of Ch`in during the night, but the cocks had not yet crowed, and
the gate was not yet open. One of his inferior retainers, who
occupied a low position, beat his arm[601] and imitated the cock-crow,
when all the cocks responded, and the gate was thrown open, so
that the prince could pass.[602] As cocks can be moved by false
sounds, so men may be imposed upon by fictitious grace, and as
men are subject to such impostures, even Heaven may be induced
to respond, by tricks. In order to stir up the heavenly fluid, the
spirit should be used, but people will employ burning glasses, to
attract the fire from the sky.

By melting five stones and moulding an instrument in the
fifth month, in the height of summer, one may obtain fire. But
now people merely take knives and swords or crooked blades of
common copper, and, by rubbing them and holding them up against
the sun, they likewise get fire. As by burning glasses, knives,
swords, and blades one may obtain fire from the sun,[603] so even
ordinary men, being neither Worthies nor Sages, can influence the
fluid of Heaven, as Tung Chung Shu was convinced that by a clay
dragon he could attract the clouds and rain, and he had still some
reason for this belief.[604] If even those who in this manner conform
to the working of Heaven, cannot be termed Worthies, how much
less have those a claim to this name who barely win people's hearts?

May he be considered a Worthy who, holding office, achieves
merit and proves successful?


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But what is to be accounted merit or success of an office
bearer? That the populace turn to him? However, the masses
can be won by feigned favours.

When the Yin and the Yang are in harmony, there is a time
of public peace. At such periods of harmony, even the depraved
fall in with general tranquillity, whereas in times of unrest, even
Sages are involved in catastrophes. Should the harmony of the
Yin and the Yang determine the worthy or unworthy character of
a man, then Yao ought to have been degraded owing to the Great
Flood, and T`ang should have been thrown into the background[605]
in view of the Great Drought.

If merit and success be regarded as action, then merit appears
and manifests itself by the activity of the body. But the success
of designs based on principles is invisible and not apparent. The
drum does not belong to the Five Sounds, but the Five Sounds[606]
do not accord without a drum.[607] The teacher has no place in the
Five Degrees of Mourning,[608] but they do not become practical
without a teacher.[609] Water does not belong to the Five Colours,[610]
but in default of water the latter do not shine.[611] So principles are
the root of merit, and merit is the upshot of principles. If people
be called Worthies because of their merits, they would be the
unworthy ones of the Taoists.[612]

When Kao Tsu came to the throne he rewarded the merits
of all his ministers, and Hsiao Ho got the highest prize, because
the acknowledgement of merit by Kao Tsu was like a hunt, when
the hunter lets loose his dog. The dog alone catches the beast,
but the hunter has the merit of it. All the ministers of the
emperor took a personal part in the war like the dog, but Hsiao
Ho
did the chief part like the hunter. If those pass for Worthies
who have achieved merit, then Hsiao Ho had no merit. Consequently
merit and reward cannot be proofs of worth. That is
the first objection.


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Sages and Worthies have their methods of governing the world.
He who knows these principles obtains merit, he who ignores them
fails like a physician curing a disease. Possessing a prescription,
he may cure even a serious illness, without it be cannot even
remove small ulcers.[613] A prescription is like a method, a disease
like a disorder; the physician corresponds to the official, and his
physics to reforms. The prescription is used, and the physic administered,
and so a method is employed, and reforms carried out.
By these reforms disorder is stopped, and by the use of physics
a disease is cured. A drug curing a disease must not of necessity
be better than another without these medical properties, and an
official qualified to govern a State is not necessarily worthier than
another without such ability. A prescription may be obtained by
chance, and a man may happen to know a certain method.

The administration of a State requires a method to secure
success, but there are also times of a natural disorder, when no
methods are of any use to bring about anything; and there are
other times, when, by nature, peace must prevail, and merit may
be achieved even without any method. Thus statesmen hitting
upon the proper time, may accomplish their ends, when they lose
it, they fail. Men possessing some method may achieve merit in
accordance with time, but are not apt to bring about peace in
opposition to the right time.

Good physicians may save the life of a man who is not yet about
to die, but when his life-time is finished and his span terminated,
no prescriptions are of any avail whatever. When there is to
be a revolution, even Yao and Shun cannot accomplish anything
with all their methods, and when a person is doomed to die, even
the medicaments of Pien Ch`io cannot cure his illness.

Archers and charioteers as well as other artisans and handicraftsmen
all have there methods, by means of which they acquire
merit, and do business, so that their success becomes visible. Statesmen
must be looked upon as being on a level with handicraftsmen.
The achievement of merit being like the doing of business, then if
those having merit be called Worthies, all handicraftsmen must
likewise be Worthies.


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Shou Wang of Wu-ch`iu,[614] a native of Chao,[615] was an expectant
hanlin in the time of the emperor Wu Ti.[616] The sovereign bade him
follow Tung Chung Shu and receive the Ch`un-ch`iu from him. His
talents were of the highest order, and he thoroughly understood
business. Subsequently he became military governor of Tung-chün,[617]
and, in view of his excellence, the emperor did not appoint a civil
governor.[618] But at one time military expeditions had to be organized,
the people were in excitement, the year was bad, and
robbers and thieves were rampant. Then the emperor sent a letter
to Shou Wang running thus, `When you were in my presence, you
became the centre of all our deliberations,[619] and I imagined that
you had not your equal in the world, and that there were not two
men like you within the Four Seas. You were given the control
of more than ten cities, and your post was a double one of
4000 piculs.[620] What is the reason that now robbers and thieves
on boats attack my arsenals to seize their arms, and that the
present time so little tallies with the past?'

Shou Wang, by way of excuse, said that there was nothing to
be done. He again was appointed commander of the Imperial
Palace and constantly kept about His Majesty.[621] All his judgments
and proposals were sound and just, so great were his talents, and
so profound his knowledge. He understood everything and had
the greatest experience. Albeit yet during his administration of
Tung-chün, the year was bad, robberies and thefts were rampant,
and the excitement of the people could not be stopped. I wonder
whether Shou Wang did not know a method for governing Tung-chün,
or whether this province had just again to pass through a revolution,
and the administration of Shou Wang just coincided with
this time?

Thus even a worthy like Shou Wang in his administration of
Tung-chün could not achieve merit. Should Worthies be judged


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by their achievements, then even a Shou Wang would be rejected
and not be promoted. I am afraid that in the world there are a
great many persons of the type of Shou Wang, yet the critics are
unable to see the value of people in default of their merits.

In Yen there was a valley where in consequence of cold air
the Five Grains did not grow. Tsou Yen by blowing the flute
attracted a fluid by which the cold was changed into heat, so that
in Yen they could sow millet, and the millet grew in great abundance.
Up till now the valley bears the name of `millet valley.'[622]
The harmonisation of the Yin and the Yang requires the most exquisite
wisdom and virtue, yet by Tsou Yen's blowing the flute the
cold valley became warm, and grain and millet sprouted luxuriantly.
Accordingly, all who have achieved merit have a method like Tsou
Yen
blowing the flute. Consequently, if they are in possession of
some system, even the wicked are successful, and many Worthies
and Sages would be unfitted for government in case they have not
the proper method. Therefore merit is no criterion of virtue. This
is the second point.

When people undertake something their will may be most
earnest, still they have no success. Their plan is not carried out
though their energy would pierce a mountain. Such was the case
of Ching K`o and of the physician Hsia Wu Chü.

Ching K`o entered Ch`in with the intention to rob the king
of Ch`in and convey him alive to Yen, but meeting with an unlucky
accident, he was himself caught in Ch`in. When he was
pursuing the king of Ch`in, who ran round a pillar, the surgeon
Hsia Wu Chü hit him with his medicine bag, nevertheless Ching K`o
won world-wide fame as a hero. The king of Ch`in rewarded Hsia
Wu Chü
with two hundred yi[623] of gold.[624] Being himself arrested in
Ch`in, the planned capture and conveyance of the king alive could
not be accomplished by Ching K`o, and the hitting a would-be
assassin with a medicine bag, served to save the king's life. Yet
either of them was praised or rewarded, owing to the great sincerity
of the one, and the wonderful strength of the other. The
scholars of the world did not forbear extolling the honesty of Ching
K`o
though he did not accomplish his object, and the king of
Ch`in rewarded Hsia Wu Chü although his action had no consequence.


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The purpose being good, it matters not whether a result be
achieved, and an idea being excellent, one does not think of the
outcome. In case an idea is admirable, but the success inadequate,
or a purpose grand, but the result small, the wise will reward,
and the unwise, punish. If one always has the success in view,
no account being taken of the intention, and if only the outward
result is insisted upon, without paying attention to the inward
motives, then the story of Yü Jang[625] drawing his sword and cutting
the cloak of Viscount Hsiang, would not be worth mentioning, Wu
Tse Hsü's
flogging the corpse of King P`ing,[626] would not be worthy of
note, and Chang Liang's dealing a blow at Ch`in Shih Huang Ti and,
by mistake, hitting the accompanying cart,[627] would have no interest.

All three had to suffer from unfavourable circumstances and
could not accomplish their designs. They had the power, but not
the success; they formed plans, but could not carry them out.
Therefore Worthies cannot be gauged by their merits. This is
the third objection.

Then can people become Worthies by their filial piety towards
their father, or their brotherly behaviour towards their elder brothers?
In that case a dutiful son and a good brother must have a father
or an elder brother. These two being unkind, then their filial
piety or brotherly love become manifest. Shun had Ku Sou, and
Tsêng Shên had Tsêng Hsi as father. Thus the filial piety could
become apparent, and their fame was established, so that everybody
belauded them. If, however, there be no father or elder brother, or if
these be kind and good, there is no occasion to show these virtues,
and the name of a dutiful son or a good brother cannot be acquired.

Loyalty to one's sovereign is similar to this:—The loyalty of
Lung Fêng[628] and Pi Kan[629] shone forth in Hsia and Yin, because Chieh


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and Chou were both wicked, whereas the fealty of Chi,[630] Hsieh,[631]
and Kao Yao[632] remained concealed in T`ang and [633] , since Yao
and Shun themselves were virtuous. As the light of a glow-worm
is eclipsed by the effulgence of the sun and the moon, so the name
of a loyal official is overshadowed by the renown of his virtuous
sovereign.

To die for a prince in disgrace, and to sacrifice oneself for
him, falls under the same head. When an officer just happens to
live at such a time and dies for his lord, his righteousness becomes
known, and he earns great fame. A great Worthy, however, passes
through this life, flying about and settling down and rising on
apprehending some danger.[634] The ruin of a perishing prince does
not involve him, nor does the calamity of a tottering State affect
his family. Then, how should he meet with such a misfortune, or
share the disaster of his lord?

Chan of Ch`i asked Yen Tse[635] how a loyal minister had to serve
his master. The other replied, "So that he does not die with him
nor see him off, when he leaves his country to go into exile." —
"If a man," rejoined Chan, "who has been given plenty of land
and been the recipient of many honours lavishly bestowed upon
him by his sovereign, if such a one does not die for his prince,
when the latter is ruined, nor see him off, when he leaves his
country, how can he be called loyal?"

"How can," said Yen Tse, "a minister die, provided that his
advice be followed? Or how can he see the prince off, provided
that his remonstrances be effective, so that his sovereign is never
in his whole life compelled to quit the country? If his advice be
rejected, and the minister die for his lord, this would be a reckless
death, and if his remonstrances be repudiated, and the minister see
off his sovereign going into exile, this would be deception. Thus
a loyal minister may share the happiness of his prince, but he
cannot be engulphed with him in the same catastrophe."

According to this reply of Yen Tse, in seeking the Worthies
of this world, those who die, because their sovereign is ruined,
and thereupon base their claim to loyalty, do not count. Great
Worthies have few accomplishments that may be named, and
small Worthies do many things worthy of praise. Such faults


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for which people may be `bambooed, are only small ones, and so
are all quantities that may be measured:—For the greatest crimes
the bamboo is not sufficient, and for the greatest quantities pints
and bushels will not do. Inferior actions are easily described, and
they usually occur in times of decay, when they are easily recognised.
Thus virtuous acts are manifest, and their fame is heard of.[636]

Floating on the ocean, one may be thrown to the east or the
west owing to the vastness of the water; navigating on a creek,
one knows the traces left by the oars of the boats on account of
its smallness.[637] Small things are easy to see and, in times of
disorder, easily brought to light. As long as an age is not in
jeopardy, remarkable deeds are not taken any notice of, and unless
the ruler be wayward and perverse, loyalty cannot be exhibited.
The highest and noblest feelings are displayed under a régime at
the verge of ruin, and the purest and finest acts done in an epoch
of universal decay.[638]

Are those Worthies who safeguard themselves from all injuries,
so that they do not suffer any punishments like Nan Jung
who was afraid about the white sceptre-stone?[639]

To avoid all injuries is chance and a propitious fate. They
are not to be prevented by abilities and knowledge, or to be averted
by repressive measures. A divine snake may be cut in two and
again grow together, but it cannot hinder men from cutting it,
and so may Sages and Worthies be pressed hard and again liberated,
but they cannot prevail upon others not to injure them.
Nan Jung could free himself from capital punishment, but Kung Yeh,
though quite innocent, was loaded with fetters[640] Chü Po Yü[641] could
preserve his principles in a degenerate State, whereas Wên Wang
was kept a prisoner in Yu-li and Confucius endangered in Ch`ên
and Tsai.[642] These are not disasters brought about by one's own


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doings and coming down upon a man, but unavoidable calamities
in which he becomes implicated. This impossibility of avoiding
calamities is like the inability to prolong one's life. The allotted
span being terminated, no Worthy can extend it of his own accord,
and when the time is perilous, no Sage is apt to save himself.

Are those to be deemed Worthies who quit their country,
giving up their dignity, and who reject wealth and honour, preferring
penury and misery?

To quit one's own country, one must be under compulsion,
as Po Yi[643] was, who yielded the State to his brother, lest he should
be suspected of struggling with him for his share. When the Old
King Tan Fu[644] had fought several battles, his people all quitted the
country. One gives up one's dignity, when one's principles prove
impracticable, and one does not obtain one's ends. As long as his
principles are successful, and his aims attained, nobody thinks of
renouncing his dignity. Thus, for quitting one's country and giving
up one's dignity one always has one's reasons. If such persons
be called Worthies, are those not affected by similar reasons, to
be termed unworthy?

Moreover, only in case there is a State or a dignity, they
may be abandoned and parted with, but there being no State or
any high dignity, how can they be rejected?

The spending of wealth and giving their share to those below,
is similar to this. But if there really be no wealth, what can
be given away? When the mouth is hungry, what can be yielded
to others?

While the granaries are full, people know rites and ceremonies,
and when food and clothing are sufficient, one is sensible of
honour and disgrace. Unselfishness grows from abundance, and
strife is engendered by scarcity.[645] People may sometimes share
their wealth with others. The general Yuan[646] again divided his


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family property with his nephew, and many saw in this a great
kindness and generosity.

At the foot of Mount K`un[647] , jade is as common as pebbles,
and on the banks of Lake P`êng-li, they feed dogs and pigs with
fish. Provided that a liberal man whose wealth is like the jade
of Mount K`un and the fish of Lake P`êng-li[648] again divide his
family property, this would not be sufficient.

If Han Hsin sent food to the village elder in Nan-ch`ang,[649] did
he part with his wealth? And does the fact that Yen Yuan contented
himself with a bamboo dish of rice and a gourd dish of
drink[650] constitute a renunciation of his property?

Kuan Chung, in dividing money, took the greater part for himself.
Being very poor and destitute, he did not possess disinterestedness,
and his moral sense was weakened.[651]

Is it possible to become a Worthy by avoiding the world
and keeping aloof from all that is common, purifying one's self
and one's actions? That would be much the same as abandoning
one's country and giving up one's dignity. Wealth and honour
are generally coveted, and big posts and high rank are a source of
pleasure. To abandon them and retire can only be the consequence
of a life full of disappointments and of the failure of one's plans.

Ch`ang Chü and Chieh Ni[652] both left the world to live in retirement.
Po Yi and the recluse of Wu Ling[653] rejected honour and
put up with meanness. But this was not their real desire.

May those be looked upon as Worthies who are unpassionate
and desireless, who do not care to fill an office, merely wishing
to preserve their bodies and cultivate their natures?

These are men like Lao Tse. The Taoists belong to another
class than the Worthies. The sorrow for the world and the wish to
help people in their difficulties, were a cause of great agitation for


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Confucius, and gave much trouble to Mê Tse.[654] Those who do not
co-operate with Confucius and Mê Tse and, on the other side, in
their dealings follow Huang Ti and Lao Tse, are not Worthies.[655]

Are those to be considered Worthies who carry on righteousness
a thousand Li and who as teachers, making friends, never disregard
propriety?

Then people belonging to rich families and living in opulence,
who, besides, have strong and powerful muscles, would best meet
these requirements. The weak are unable to carry on propriety,
and the feeble, unfit to travel very far, and therefore would not
come up to it. Families with heaps of gold do not lack friends
even outside their country, and States of a thousand chariots[656] never
stand in need of allies, for they have always enough to spend.
If food were as common as water and fire, then even the
covetous and avaricious would distribute it beyond the frontier of
their country. When there are few resources, not a single one of
the fundamental rules is fulfilled, whereas, when there is plenty,
gifts are made thoughtlessly to thousands of families. It is a very
hard task to induce poor people who do not call a peck or a
bumper their own to make friends and to spend much.

Men who carry heavy burdens a thousand Li, are strong men
whose feats are admired even in distant countries. Their hands
and feet are hardened, their faces dark, they do not feel painful
diseases, and their skin and sinews must be different from those
of other people. If we compare with them such officers as have
proved important witnesses to their princes, in so far as no bodily
pain could force a confession from their mouths, their flesh and
bones must likewise have been very strong. The strong can conceal
something and uphold righteousness, the weak speak ill of
their time and defame morality.

Yü Jang[657] so disfigured himself, that his own wife did not
recognise him, Kuan Kao[658] was so doubled up, that not a single


143

piece of flesh on his body was left uninjured. Both must have
had bodies different from those of other people, whence their proceedings
were not like those of the majority either.[659]

Are those Worthies who know the Classics, have many pupils,
and attract the masses?

Those well versed in the Classics are the Literati, and one
becomes literate by study. The Literati have studied, and students
are the same as the Literati. They transmit the doctrines of former
teachers, and learn the oral precepts of their professors, to impart
them to others. But they have no original ideas in their heads,
and are unfit to argue the pros and cons of a question. In this
respect they resemble postmen conveying letters, and door-keepers
transmitting an order. As long as the covers are intact, so that
no part of the letter is lost, and that orders are taken care of and
not tampered with, they have done their duty. The scholars transmit
the teachings of the ancients, without altering a single word,
so that the old sayings of former teachers have been preserved
down to the present day. Yet, although they have followers a
hundred and more, and themselves have obtained the rank of
professors and academicians, they are on a level with postmen and
door-keepers.[660]

May those be called Worthies who possess a vast knowledge
of things ancient and modern, and remember all sorts of secret
records and chronicles?

They rank but after the scholars above mentioned. Whoever
possesses great talents and many interests, will devote himself to
study, and never flag, like heirs specially provided with everything
who, in possession of all the writings left by their forefathers, are
thus enabled to complete these works, perusing and reciting them,
as archivists do their papers. They are like the Grand Annalist
and Liu Tse Chêng who, being in charge of all the records, have
become famous for their great learning and vast erudition.

May those be deemed Worthies who, by their wonderful influence
and cunning, are apt to command troops and lead the masses?


144

They would be men like Han Hsin,[661] who in contending States
win laurels and become celebrated generals; but in peaceful times
they cannot exert themselves and plunge into disastrous adventures.
When the high-flying bird is dead, they store the good bow away,
and after the cunning hare has been caught, the good greyhound
is cooked.[662] A potent and wily officer is like the bow used for
the high-flying bird and the greyhound chasing the cunning hare.
In times of peace, there is no use for him, wherefore the bow is
stored away, and the dog, cooked. In peaceful times, the ruler does
not disdain such an officer, or slight a hero, but he cannot give
that assistance to the sovereign which the time requires.

Had the talent of Han Hsin been so versatile, that he could
have acted like Shu Sun T`ung,[663] he would never have planned an
insurrection nor miserably perished by execution.[664] He was endowed
with strength and heroism, but had not the wisdom of preserving
peace; he knew all the devices to marshal troops, but did not see
the benefits of a settled state. Living in a time of peace, he plotted
a rebellion, whereby he was deprived of his glory, lost his country,
and did not obtain the name of a Worthy.

Are those Worthies who are able debaters with sweet words
and clever speech?

Then they would resemble Tse Kung. As a debater Tse Kung
surpassed Yen Yuan, nevertheless Confucius placed him below the
latter, because his real talents did not rank so very high.

People very much appreciate an able speaker. Since Wên Ti
gave his favour mostly to the guardian of the tiger cage, and thought
little of the intendants of the imperial parks, Chang Shih Chih[665]


145

commended Chou P`o and Chang Hsiang-Ju,[666] and the emperor became
aware of his error. Able debaters are like the guardian of the
tiger cage and can hardly pass for Worthies.

Then are Worthies those proficient in penmanship whose style
and calligraphy are equally good?

Penmanship is not much different from speech. What the mouth
utters becomes a word, and what the pencil writes, a character.
The talents of controversialists are not of a very high order, and
so the knowledge of clever writers is not very varied.

Furthermore in what must these penmen be well versed?
They must be familiar with office work. Among the office work
nothing is more laborious than law-suits. A case being doubtful,
a judgment is asked for. There was no better judge in the
world than Chang T`ang whose writings were very profound, yet
at the court of the Han he was not accounted a Worthy. The
Grand Annalist in his introduction classes him with the cruel, and
the proceedings of the cruel are not those of Worthies.[667]

In the forests of Lu a woman cried because a tiger had eaten
her husband, and it again devoured her son, without her leaving
the place, for the government was good and not oppressive, and
the officers were not tyrannical.[668] The cruel are of the same type
as the oppressive and tyrannical, and it is impossible to take them
for Worthies.

Do those deserve this name who are skilled in panegyrics
and irregular verse, writing a pompous and highly polished style?

Sse-Ma Hsiang-Ju[669] and Yang Tse Yün[670] would be the right
persons. Their style was refined, and their subjects grand, their


146

expressions exquisit, and their meaning deep, but they could not
find out right and wrong, or discriminate between truth and falsehood.
Although their diction was as brilliant as brocade and
embroidery, and as deep as the Yellow River and the Han, the
people did not learn thereby the difference between right and
wrong, nor did they help to bring about reforms aiming at the
furtherance of truth.

May those be called Worthies who live in perfect purity,
never submitting to any defilement of their person?

Such are people who flee from the world and avoid all that
is vulgar, like Ch`ang Chü and Chieh Ni[671] Although they did not
shun the company of common people altogether, they lived as if
they had left the world, purifying their persons and not serving
their sovereign, adhering to their principles and not troubling their
fellow-citizens.

A great Worthy lives in this world in such a way, that when
the time requires action he acts, and when it demands inaction he
remains passive. Considering what is proper and what not, he
upon that determines pure and impure actions. Tse Kung was
yielding, but his goodness was limited; Tse Lu liked to receive, and
passed for a virtuous man. Yielding is unselfishness and receiving,
covetousness. Covetousness is profitable and unselfishness, injurious.
Analogically human dealings cannot always be pure and without
blemish.[672]

Po Yi cannot be considered an ideal. Confucius disapproves
of him,[673] and he cannot be held to be a Worthy, his doings being
opposed to those of a sage.

[Some one inquired of Confucius saying, `What kind of a man
is Yen Yuan?'—"A benevolent man," replied Confucius, "and I am
not his equal."—`And how is Tse Kung?'—"He is an excellent
debater, and I do not come up to his standard."—`And Tse Lu?'—
"He is a hero," said Confucius, "and I cannot compete with him."—
`These three gentlemen are all superior to you, Master, the stranger
went on to say, why then do they serve you as their master?'—"I
am benevolent," said Confucius, "and at the same time submit to ill-treatment,


147

I am a clever disputant and a bad speaker, I am bold
and timid. It is impossible to interchange the accomplishments of
the three gentlemen with my ways."

Confucius knew how to use his faculties.][674] Those who possess
high talents and lead a pure life, but ignore how to employ their
gifts, are really like imbeciles who do not act at all.

Consequently, all have their faults, then can the faultless be
considered Worthies?

They would be like those good people of the villages of
whom Mencius says, ["If you would blame them, you would find
nothing to allege. If you would criticise them, you would have
nothing to criticise. They agree with the current customs. They
consent with an impure age. Their principles have a semblance
of right-heartedness and truth. Their conduct has a semblance of
disinterestedness and purity. All men are pleased with them, and
they think themselves right, so that it is impossible to proceed
with them to the principles of Yao and Shun. On this account
Confucius said that those good people of the villages are the thieves
of virtue. Because they seem what they really are not, Confucius
hated them."][675]

Then, how are the real Worthies to be recognised, and
which method is to be used to acquire this knowledge? People at
large noticing great talents and brilliant gifts, and that a person
has achieved success, call him a Worthy. Accordingly it is very
easy to find out, wherefore then should it be difficult to know
a Worthy?

The Shuking says, "To know a man one must be wise, but
the emperor finds it difficult."[676] If a man be called a Worthy in
view of his great abilities and extraordinary accomplishments,
whence does the difficulty arise which is referred to? There is
a reason for this difficulty. For the emperor Shun it was not


148

easy to know men, the statement of ordinary people that they
are able to know a Worthy is, therefore, erroneous.

Then are Worthies altogether unrecognisable? No, they are
easy to be recognised. Those who find it an arduous task, do not
know how they may be recognised, and therefore put forward this
difficulty. A Sage is not easy to know. Knowing his criteria, even
persons of moderate abilities may recognise him.

It is like artisans making a vessel. For those who understand
their business, it is not difficult, for those who do not understand
it, it is not easy. Worthies are more easily recognised than vessels
produced. But in the world no difference is made, and true
Worthies are mixed up with common scholars. Common scholars
by their eloquence and complaisance, the distinction of the official
positions they occupy, and by the marks of conspicuous favour
which they may expect, obtain the names of Worthies. The latter
live in small alleys, poor and wretched they terminate their lives,
having suffered from defamation, although they could not be convicted
of any crime.

But, under these circumstances, when may they be recognised?
Wishing to recognise them, one must look at their good hearts. The
abilities of Worthies must not of necessity be of a very high
order, but their hearts are bright, and though their intellectual
power be not very great, they do what is right.

How then can their hearts be known? From their speech:—
those who have a good heart speak good words. They serve to
investigate their dealings. Good words are accompanied by good
actions. Words and proceedings being right, in governing the
family, all relations are assigned their proper places, and in governing
the State, high and low have their proper ranks. Those
with bad hearts cannot distinguish between white and black, and
make no difference between good and bad. Their administration
causes disorder and confusion, and their institutions lack the right
measure.

Consequently with a good heart a man is always good, and
with a bad heart he can never be good. Having a good heart,
he is apt to distinguish between right and wrong. The principles
of right and wrong being established, and the excellence of the
heart in evidence, a person may be poor and wretched, troubled
and miserable, his undertakings may fail, and no success be achieved,
still he is a Worthy. In government not the result is to be considered,
the important thing being whether the means employed
are proper, and of actions the effect is not decisive, but it must


149

be hoped that what has been done is correct. This correctness
and propriety being manifest, it is not necessary that there be a
flow of words or a great many actions. Therefore it has been
said:—"Words must not be many, but their meaning must be
ascertained; deeds must not be far-reaching, but their source should
be examined."

This signifies that those possessing a well-principled heart,
although they be bad speakers and debaters, discuss these questions
in their bosoms. Men like the discussion of the heart, and not
that of the mouth. When the heart is discussing, the words may
be awkward, but no injustice is done. When the mouth is discussing,
there are beautiful phrases perhaps, but there is no result.
Confucius referring to the wickedness of Shao Chêng Mao[677] said that
his words were bad, but overflowing, and that he conformed to
what was wicked, but was very smooth. If people are wicked
inwardly, but outwardly are able to dissimulate it, the masses do
not see it and take them for Worthies.

As those who are vicious inwardly, but specious, are looked
upon as Worthies by the world, so those possessing intrinsic merit
who cannot make a show of it, in the eyes of the public are unworthy.
When right and wrong are confounded and there is no
real government, only a Sage knows it, and when the words and
deeds of a man are mostly like those of Shao Chêng Mao, only a
Worthy perceives it. Much is said in this world in which right
and wrong are interchanged, and many things are done in which
truth and error are confounded. To discriminate between such
erroneous statements and to adjust such a confusion, but Sages
and Worthies are qualified.

The heart of a Sage is bright and never beclouded, that of
a Worthy well-principled and never perplexed. If this enlightenment
be used to inquire into wickedness, it all comes out, and if those
principles be employed to weigh the doubts, all doubts become
settled, quite another result than that arrived at by the world.

What is the reason that the masses, although the words
spoken be true and correct, do not understand this? It is because
they have been too long befooled by common prejudices, that they
have not the force to retrace their steps and to follow truth. For
this reason true and correct statements are rejected by the people,
and all customs departing from the ordinary are criticised by the
public.


150

Kuan Tse[678] said that a superior man speaking in a hall, fills the
hall, and speaking in a room, fills the room. I wonder how his
words can fill an appartment. True and correct words being uttered,
and the people of the hall all possessing a true and correct knowledge,
they afterwards will fill the hall. But how can they fill it,
if their knowledge be not true and correct, so that they feel surprised,
and find fault with what they hear?

When songs are very beautiful, there are very few who can
sing them in a chorus, and when a speech is to the point, those
who approve of it are not many. Falling in with a song and
hearing a speech is about the same thing. A song being beautiful,
people are not all able to chime in, and a statement being true,
not all believe it.

Duke Wên of Lu sacrificing contrary to the custom, three
men went away, and Duke Ting having made an offering according
to the rules, five men rebelled.[679] Those used to old customs are
forward to believe that the rites are not proper.

The number of those who know the rites is very small, and
similarly those knowing the truth are but few. How then can the
words of a superior man fill halls or rooms? Therefore, unless it
were said of men that they fill the world, one could not see
whether the words spoken are true.[680]

The traces of ink and pencil left on boards and tablets, are
unmistakable signs. Therefore Confucius, not becoming an emperor,
composed the Ch`un-ch`iu, in order to make known his ideas. Although
the Ch`un-ch`iu was but a mere literary work, yet it showed
that Confucius possessed the virtues qualifying him for an emperor.
Confucius was a Sage, and if the productions of anybody be like
those of Confucius, this is a sufficient proof of his being a Worthy,
though he have not the genius of Confucius.

Worthies and Sages walk the same way, but bear different
names. When Worthies can be known, it is also possible to discourse
on Sages. However, if Confucius, upon investigation, had
not discovered that the ways of the Chou were corrupt, he would


151

not have written the Ch`un-ch`iu. The production of this work
originated from the corruption of the Chou. Had the principles of
the Chou dynasty not been so degenerate, Confucius would not have
written the Ch`un-ch`iu, yet for that he would not have been without
talents, only he would not have had an occasion to write
his book.

Consequently, the fact of Confucius having written the Ch`unch`iu,
would not be a sufficient proof of his sagehood, and we
cannot be sure whether those whose productions are like those of
Confucius are real Worthies.

I reply to this objection that, owing to the depravity of the
principles of Chou, Confucius took occasion to write his work, with
a view to commending and denouncing right and wrong. He used
a right method and did not commit the fault of wrongly condemning
or favouring, whence the virtue of Confucius becomes
evident. In default of utterances, we examine into the writings,
and if there be none, we consider the utterances. Had Confucius
written nothing, there would still be the words which he left
behind. Such words have been elicited by something just as
literary works have their raison d'être. It suffices to examine the
quality of the writings, without troubling about their origin.

There are many works current in which no distinction is
made between right and wrong, and where truth and falsehood
are not determined. Huan Chün Shan,[681] in his reflections, may be
said to have hit the truth. His discussions are an investigation
into the truth. In so far he is a Worthy of the Han time.

Before Ch`ên P`ing[682] became an officer he cut meat in a village,
and he divided the pieces so equally, that his qualification for the
post of a prime minister became apparent. Between the cutting of
meat and the cutting of words there is no great difference. If
Huan Chün Shan might have governed the Han, Ch`ên P`ing, if he
had devoted himself to discussions, would have had about the
same result as the other. Confucius did not become an emperor,
but the work of a typical emperor was embodied in the Ch`un-ch`iu.
And so the traces of Huan Chün Shan's fitness to become a typical
chief minister, are to be found in his "New Reflections."

 
[587]

Yao inquired in open court whom he might employ. First Kun and Kung
Kung
were recommended to him, but not thought well qualified. At last Shun was
mentioned to him. See Shuking Part I, 10 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part I, p. 23).

[588]

Title of the chief ministers of which Kun and Kung Kung were two. Cf.
Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 50, Note 1.

[589]

378—343 b.c.

[590]

In Shantung, near Kiao-chou.

[591]

In the T`ai-an prefecture of Shantung.

[592]

This story is told in full in the Shi-chi chap. 46, p. 7v. (Chavannes, Mém. Hist.
Vol. V, p. 243). In addition to the governor of O, all the sycophants about him were
thrown into a cauldron and boiled.

[593]

Analects XIII, 24.

[594]

About these men see Vol. I, p. 501, Note 2.

[595]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 169.

[596]

Vol. I, p. 364, Note 5.

[597]

A noble in Ch`i, whose descendants, later on, became dukes of Ch`i. He
died about 460 b.c.

[598]

He came to the throne in 496 b.c.

[599]

On Mount Kuei-chi he had been surrounded by the king of Wu, and had
to sue for peace.

[600]

See above p. 131, Note 1.

[601]

The noise thus made probably served to produce the crow.

[602]

Cf. the biography of Mêng Ch`ang in the Shi-chi chap. 75, p. 4v.

[603]

See Vol. I, p. 378.

[604]

Cf. chap. XXXII.

[605]

[OMITTED].

[606]

The Five Notes of the Chinese musical scale.

[607]

The drum plays an important part in Chinese music.

[608]

[OMITTED].

[609]

The teacher has to inculcate them.

[610]

[OMITTED].

[611]

Quotation from the Liki, Hsio-chi (Legge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVIII,
p. 90), but with slight alterations.

[612]

The Taoists despise external merit.

[613]

[OMITTED]. This expression is nowhere explained, the Appendix to the Peiwên-yün-fu
merely cites this passage. [OMITTED] means an ulcer on the legs, but what
is a "hare ulcer"? From the opposition to [OMITTED] we may infer that it is some
small disease, perhaps only an excoriation, which the Germans call "wolf".

[614]

[OMITTED]. Ed. C: [OMITTED]. The Han-shu has the first reading.

[615]

State in Shansi.

[616]

Han Wu Ti, 140-87 b.c.

[617]

A circuit in northern Honan.

[618]

Shou Wang filled both posts, that of a [OMITTED] tu-wei, military governor
and of a [OMITTED] tai-shou, civil governor.

[619]

[OMITTED]. The Han-shu writes fuller: [OMITTED].

[620]

The income of a military governor was of 2000 piculs and that of a civil
one the same amount.

[621]

So far the text literally agrees with the biography of Shou Wang in the
Ch`ien Han-shu chap. 64a, p. 13v.

[622]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 114.

[623]

One [OMITTED] yi of gold equal to 20 ounces.

[624]

For a more detailed account see Vol. I, p. 503.

[625]

His second attempt to assassinate the viscount Hsiang of Chao having failed,
he asked permission to pass his sword through the cloak of the viscount, which was
granted him. Having thus revenged his master, Earl Chih, symbolically, he committed
suicide. See also Vol. I, p. 358, Note 1.

[626]

King P`ing of Ch`u, who had put to death the father and elder brother of
Wu Tse Hsü (Wu Yuan). The latter fled to Wu, inveighed the prince of this State
to an expedition against Ch`u, which was vanquished. As victor Wu Tse Hsü caused
the grave of King P`ing to be opened and his corpse to be publicly flogged.

[627]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 235.

[628]

Kuan Lung Fêng [OMITTED], a minister of Chieh Kuei, who remonstrated
with him and therefore was put to death.

[629]

For having dared to object to the excesses of Chou, the last emperor of the
Yin dynasty, Pi Kan had a similar fate as Kuan Lung Fêng. Cf. Vol. 1, p. 485, Note 6.

[630]

The ancestor of the Chou dynasty.

[631]

Minister of Shun.

[632]

Minister of Shun.

[633]

T`ang and were the territories of Yao and Shun.

[634]

Allusion to Analects X, 18.

[635]

An officer of Ch`i, 6th century b.c., who died 493 b.c.

[636]

These sentiments savour a good deal of Taoism.

[637]

On a small sheet of water one knows exactly the course one has taken,
but not on the ocean where east and west become uncertain.

[638]

Great virtue becomes visible by contrast and shines forth when there is
wickedness all around.

[639]

Cf. Analects XI, 5. Nan Jung, to whom Confucius married the daughter of
his elder brother. He used to repeat the lines of the Shiking "A flaw in a white
sceptre-stone may be ground away; but for a flaw in speech nothing can be done."
See Legge, Classics Vol. I, p. 238, Note 5.

[640]

Cf. Analects V, 1. To Kung Yeh Ch`ang Confucius gave his daughter to wife.

[641]

See Vol. I, p. 66, Note 2.

[642]

Vol. I, p. 499, Note 2.

[643]

See Vol. I, p. 168, Note 2.

[644]

The grandfather of Wên Wang, founder of the Chou dynasty, who removed
his capital in consequence of the constant raids of barbarian tribes.

[645]

Virtues, as it were, are luxuries; to practise them, people must at least be
provided with the necessities of life. The state of morality, to a great extent, depends
on purely economical conditions.

[646]

I only found one Yuan Ch`ang [OMITTED] whom Wang Ch`ung may have in
view, a contemporary of his who, during the reign of Ho Ti, 89-105 a.d., was
appointed general.

[647]

The same as the K`un-lun. The Yellow River is believed to have its
source in Mount K`un. See also Vol. I, p. 254.

[648]

Old name of the Poyang Lake.

[649]

Now capital of Kiangsi Province.

[650]

Allusion to Analects VI, 9.

[651]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 133.

[652]

Two hermits of Ch`u met by Confucius. See Analects XVIII, 6.

[653]

Cf. p. 53, Note 2 and Vol. I, p. 427.

[654]

The philosophy of Confucius, and in a still higher degree that of Mê Ti,
propounds altruism, the Taoism, indifference and self-cultivation.

[655]

Worthies in the Confucian sense.

[656]

War chariots by the number of which the military power of a State was gauged.

[657]

See above p. 137 and Vol. I, p. 358.

[658]

A minister of Chao who intended to assassinate Han Kao Tsu. This plan
was discovered, and Kuan Kao with all his accomplices and relations to the third
degree, were executed. Cf. Vol. I, p. 117 and Shi-chi chap. 8, p. 32r. (Chavannes,
Mém. Hist.
Vol. II, p. 391 and 392).

[659]

Virtue and self-sacrifice are easier for persons with a strong constitution
than for weak ones. They have more courage and feel bodily pain much less.

[660]

A hard word, but true, even of many of our philologists.

[661]

One of the Three Heroes to whom the accession of the Han dynasty is
due. See p. 119, Note 6.

[662]

An old adage which was used by Fan Li, minister of Yüeh, 5th cent b.c.
Cf. Vol. I, p. 310, and also by Han Hsin, when he was seized and arraigned for
high-treason. Wang Ch`ung here writes: [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. In the Shi-chi chap. 41, p. 7r. we read: [OMITTED]
[OMITTED] and in Shi-chi cap. 92, p. 16r. the phrase is turned: [OMITTED]
[OMITTED]. Still another variant is found in Han Fei Tse
XVII, 3r.

[663]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 380, Note 5.

[664]

Han Hsin's plan to seize the Empress Lü Hou and the heir-apparent having
been divulged, he was decapitated, and his whole family exterminated in b.c. 196.

[665]

A high officer of Wên Ti, b.c. 179-157.

[666]

Both were raised to the rank of marquis.

[667]

See p. 62, Note 3.

[668]

Confucius met this woman near the T`ai-shan, while proceeding to Ch`i.
He sent Tse Lu to question her, and was told that formerly her husband's father
had been devoured by a tiger, then her husband, and last her son. Confucius then
said to his disciples, "Remember this my children. Oppressive government is more
terrible than tigers." Liki (Legge, Sacred Books Vol. XXVII, p. 190) and the Family
Sayings of Confucius, [OMITTED] IX, 4v, where Tse Kung takes the place of
Tse Lu.

[669]

A distinguished scholar and poet of the 2nd cent. b.c.

[670]

The philosopher Yang Hsiung. Elsewhere (Vol. I, pp. 81 and 88) Wang
Ch`ung
deals more generously with him.

[671]

See above p. 141, Note 6.

[672]

Perfect purity is not required to be a Worthy. Tse Lu was one in spite
of his covetousness.

[673]

On the contrary. Confucius commends him and calls him a Worthy. See
Analects VII, 14 and XVI, 12.

[674]

Quoted almost literally from Huai Nan Tse XVIII, 17r. Another parallel
passage is furnished by Lieh Tse IV, 4v, but its wording is somewhat different and
fuller, so that it may have been the archetype for Huai Nan Tse. There the
questioner is Tse Hsia, who inquires about four disciples, adding Tse Chang.

[675]

Mencius Book VII, Part II, 37.

[676]

Quoted from the Shuking Part II, Book III, 2; but transposed (Legge,
Classics
Vol. III, Part I, p. 70).

[677]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 362, Note 1.

[678]

See Vol. I, p. 73, Note 3.

[679]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 74, Note 6 and Tso-chuan, Duke Ting 8th year (Legge, Classics
Vol. V, Part II, p. 769 seq.).

[680]

If, according to the opinion of Kuan Tse, the words of a superior man
attract so many people, that they fill rooms and halls, then the effect produced on
the hearers would be a criterion of truth. In that case the utterances of all the
people ought to fill the whole world to be trustworthy. That is impossible, consequently
the principle of Kuan Tse cannot be right.

[681]

See Vol. I, p. 467, Note 7.

[682]

One of the Three Heroes of the Han time, cf. Vol. I, p. 305, Note 2. On
one occasion, being appointed by the village elders to distribute sacrificial meats at
the local altar, he performed this duty with such impartiality, that the elders wished
he might manage the affairs of the empire in a similar manner.