University of Virginia Library

CHAPTER XXX.

On the Rain Sacrifice (Ming-yü).

Phenomenalists hold that long rain causes floods, and that
long heat produces droughts. Droughts correspond to intense Yang,
and floods to heavy downpours.

It may be argued that, in the course of a year, about every
ten days it rains once, and every five days there is wind.[1528] Long
lasting rain forebodes a flood, and a long period of heat gradually
conduces to a drought. However, during the time of a flood, the
ruler of men must not, necessarily, be dripping, or during a drought,
be burning hot. In his administration he remains the same before
and after, and that at one time there is an inundation, at another
dryness, is owing to the fluid of the season.

Fan Li[1529] in his work "Calculations" said, "The planet Jupiter
being in the constellation tse,[1530] water means destruction, metal
a good harvest, wood a famine, and fire a drought." Accordingly
water, a drought, a famine, and a good harvest would follow the
revolutions of Jupiter. Jupiter agrees with their terms, and the fluid
of the season accords with their periods, yet the phenomenalists
give their own explanations, and the sovereign, trusting their words,
endeavours to find out his guilt and reform.[1531] After a long time
of heat, it rains of itself, and after much rain, sunshine reappears
of itself. Then the phenomenalists point to the success achieved
by the prince, who agrees with them and henceforth believes in
their theories.

Had, for example, the sovereign kept quiet and not taken any
trouble, nor searched for his own imaginary faults, Heaven would
likewise have rained spontaneously, and rain would have been
succeeded by sunshine as a matter of course. Even though, when

the heat or the rain cease, the prince may have been inactive,
phenomenalists still propound their devices, so that the fluids of
the Yang and Yin would be regulated by man, and not depend upon
Heaven. However, man cannot affect Heaven by his dealings, and
Heaven does not pay heed to human actions and respond to them.

During the "Spring and Autumn" period, the great Rain
Sacrifice[1532] in Lu was an offering together with a prayer for rain in
a time of dryness. When, after a long drought, it had not rained,
they prayed and sacrificed to obtain happiness, as, in a case of
serious illness, the spirits are sacrificed to, that they may dispel
the calamity. All this aims at a return to the normal state.

The Shiking says that, "The moon approaches the Hyades,
which will bring heavy showers of rain," and in the Shuking we
find the remark that "When the moon follows the stars, there is
wind and rain."[1533] Accordingly, wind and rain would be dependent
on this movement of the moon.

There are three ways parting from the "House" constellation
in different directions.[1534] The sun and the moon in their courses
pass on these ways, departing northward, they cause a flood, departing
southward, a drought. Yet there are some who contend
that their departure northward is followed by a drought, and the
departure southward, by a flood. The moon is a sign for the
whole world, whereas the "House" constellation is a mark for the
Nine Provinces.[1535] The northerly and the southerly directions of
the moon, therefore, do not concern Lu alone.

Confucius, on the point of going out, bade Tse Lu prepare his
rain apparel, and, after a few minutes, in fact a great shower came
down. Tse Lu asked for an explanation, and Confucius replied,
"Yesterday evening the moon approached the Hyades." Later on,
the moon had again approached the Hyades. Confucius going out,
Tse Lu wished to prepare his rain apparel, but Confucius would
not have it, and really it did not rain, after he had left. Tse Lu
asked the reason. "Formerly," said Confucius, "the moon drew near

the northern part, hence it rained. Yesterday evening the moon
came near the southern part, therefore it did not rain."[1536]

Consequently in Lu the rain depended on the approximation
of the moon, and by no means on government. If it was really
influenced by administrative measures, and if the moon approaching
the Hyades was but a presage of rain, it was common to the whole
world, and, when it rained in Lu, it should have done so everywhere
on earth.

During the period of the Six States government was not everywhere
the same, and rewards and punishments were meted out at
different times by the various princes. Provided that rain is to
respond to these administrative acts, then at least six or seven
Hyades are necessary for the moon to approach.

Under the régime of Duke Mu of Lu[1537] there was a year of
drought. The duke addressed Hsien Tse saying, "Heaven has sent
dryness, and it does not rain. I would like to burn a sorcerer.[1538]
What do you think?" Hsien Tse did not approve of this measure.
The duke then proposed to shift the market to some other place.
"At the death of the son of Heaven," said Hsien Tse, "it is the habit
to hold the market in side-alleys for seven days, and, when a
ruler of a State expires, this is done for five days. Wherefore
should the market not be shifted?"[1539]

According to these words of Hsien Tse, by shifting the marketplace
rain is obtained, whereas it appears from the text of the
Shiking and the Shuking that the vicinity of the moon to a constellation
has this result. The courses of the sun and the moon
have their regular periods, would they approach the south of the
Hyades on account of a market-place having been moved? The
moon and the Hyades are prognostics for the whole world, how
could the shifting of a market-place in Lu cause the moon to alter
its course? The moon completes one circumvolution round the sky
in thirty days, and within one month's time it once passes the
Hyades. When it comes near its southern part, there is heat.
Provided that the shifting of the market could have such an influence
on the moon, that it approached the southern part of the

Hyades, would rain be obtained, if at that time the market-place
were moved? The dictum of Hsien Tse cannot be accepted.

Tung Chung Shu, with a view to attracting rain, used the
scheme of the Ch`un-ch`iu,[1540] raising a hill and setting up a sacrifice.
A father does not accept oblations from collateral branches of his
descendants,[1541] nor Heaven on low earth.[1542] As to the rites of the
rain-sacrifice of the princes, we ignore to which spirit it was offered.
If it was to the Spirit of Heaven, Heaven would not receive an
oblation but from the emperor, and would refuse those from the
feudal lords or our present high officers. But unless a spirit accepted
the sacrifice, how could its succour be obtained? If the
clouds and the rain were the recipients of the sacrifice, they are
air. In what manner should the air of clouds and rain smell and
enjoy offerings?

[It breaks through the stones one or two inches thick, and
gathers. That in one day's time it spreads over the whole Empire
is only the case with the T`ai-shan.][1543] From the T`ai-shan it
rains over the whole Empire, from small mountains over States and
cities. Such being the case, is the great Rain Sacrifice an offering to
the mountains perhaps? Were it really so, it would be ineffectual
for the following reason:—Water in different rivers and differing
in height by some inches or lines, does not run together, unless
led through artificial channels, nor mix, unless, by digging, a
common water-level be produced. Suppose that a ruler of men
were to pray and sacrifice on the banks of a river, would it be in
his power to cause water of a higher level to mix with other water
below?

Even in the case of visible water of but slightly different
level the prayers of a sovereign would be of no avail at all, and
how about rain, which has no apparent form, hidden as it is in
the depths of high mountains? How could the rain sacrifice of a
ruler elicit it?

Rainy moisture is amidst heaven and earth, as tears are in
the human body. If some one were to place wine and food before
a kind-hearted person imploring him to shed tears, which he had
not yet done, that kind-hearted gentleman would on no account

comply with this request, because tears do not issue forth on being
commanded. How then could rain be procured by supplication?

The laments of Yung Mên Tse moved the prince of Mêng Ch`ang
to tears,[1544] and in consequence of the sorrowful speech of Su Ch`in
and Chang Yi in the cavern, the tears of Kuei Ku Tse dropped down
on his coat.[1545] Is it possible then to affect Heaven by laments like
those of Yung Mên Tse, or by words like those of Su Ch`in and
Chang Yi? The ears and the eyes of Heaven are very far away,
and the fluid of sound does not reach it.

The wife of Ch`i Liang also cried pitifully, but, instead of
raining, the city wall crumbled down. Then how can rain be
produced, and which method do those performing the rain sacrifice
employ to impress Heaven?

When the moon proceeds on the northern way, and approaches
the northern part of the Hyades, it nearly always rains. Accordingly,
the Hyades must be situated on the northern way. But
would this constellation of the northern way be willing to send
down rain, in response to a rain sacrifice?

When Confucius was going out, and calling upon Tse Lu to
get his rain apparel ready, there certainly was no rain sacrifice
offered in Lu simultaneously, and, notwithstanding, torrents of rain
came down spontaneously, and without any prayer there was bright
sunshine again of itself. Thus fine weather and rain have their
times. In the course of a year, sunshine and rain alternate. When
there is to be rain, who must pray for it, and, when there is to
be sunshine, who can stop it?

A ruler who listens to supplications and, to please his people,
shows clemency, is not virtuous. Heaven possesses the highest
degree of virtue. If, before the proper time for rain has come,
somebody unreasonably prayed for it, and if then Heaven recklessly
sent it down, it would be on a level with a prince yielding to
solicitations.

Phenomenalists do not argue or investigate the question by
analogies, and setting forth their preposterous theories, they deceive
the sovereigns. Either the time of rain has not yet come, and a
virtuous prince prays for it in vain, or it just must rain of its
own accord, and a wicked prince praying for rain just hits upon
the right moment. Then the virtuous ruler receives unjust reproof,
and the bad one gains undeserved praise.

The world considers sages to be perfect, whereas worthies
have their imperfections. The dealings of perfect men are irreproachable,
and being irreproachable, their government is faultless.
Among the sage rulers of all the ages none can vie with Yao and
T`ang. Yet Yao was visited with the Great Flood, and T`ang with
the Great Drought. If this be regarded as the outcome of their
government, then Yao and T`ang must have been two iniquitous
rulers, if, however, their government be not answerable, then it
was mere luck. Luck has its time, and cannot be prayed for.

People reasoning on these subjects, pretend, in regard to the
Flood and the Drought of Yao and T`ang, that they were the result
of the season, but that small droughts and floods are due to government.
Provided that this view be correct, what is to be done
to procure a rainfall? If it is really caused by government, a
recourse to prayer instead of mending the defects of the administration
could not bring about a change. If, on the other
hand, the Flood and the Drought of Yao and T`ang were the effect
of the revolution of the celestial fluid, and not the upshot of government,
as they say, then the time of this revolution cannot but
be spontaneous, and any sacrifices or prayers would be of no advantage
whatever.

There is another report that T`ang, having prayed in a mulberry
grove, acknowledging five faults, forthwith obtained rain.[1546] Believing
in the revolution of the fluid, one cannot uphold the story of the
mulberry grove, and maintaining the truth of this story, one must
discard the notion of a revolution of luck. How can those holding
either of these views escape from this impasse, and which means
should be taken to avert water or dryness?

Of these calamitous changes there are two kinds, I should
say:—calamities in consequence of bad government and disasters
without any guilt. In case of calamities of the first kind, one must
search for the cause and try to remove it, and though these endeavours
prove ineffectual, they at least show the compassion of the
sovereign, his kind solicitude for his people, and his inability to
help. Such is the conduct of a loving father towards his son
and of a dutiful son towards his parent. Though knowing that
in case of a sickness it is useless to immolate to the spirits, and
that against great pains medicines are in vain, and though aware
that a disease is incurable, and all treatment of no avail, yet they
do not let things go and await the end; they still consult the

tortoise and milfoil, inquire after evil influences, and call persons
qualified to prepare medicines.[1547] Their compassionateness and affectionate
devotion makes them still hope for a result.

When death has come, and life is extinguished, so that there
remains nothing to be done, they climb upon the ridge of their
house, and with a garment beckon to the departed to revert.[1548] In
their sorrow and deep love, they will not give up the hope that
the dead may become aware of it. The feelings of those who
make oblations for rain are like the sentiments of a loving father
or a dutiful son.

Of calamities without any guilt people know nothing, and lay
them to the charge of the ruler. Those governing, in order to comply
with the wishes of the people, in this case offer sacrifice likewise.

A question as to the difference of a calamity caused by
government and a disaster without anybody's guilt I should answer
thus:—When virtue is flourishing,[1549] and the government well ordered,
and a disaster happens all the same, no one is responsible for it.
When virtue is declining, and government disorganised, and some
catastrophe takes place, the government is responsible. In the last
instance, there is a sacrifice without and reforms within, to make
good the damage. In the former instance, the old style of government
is continued within, and the sacrificial rites are discharged without,
to comfort the people.

Undeserved ill-luck has happened in all ages. When it comes
one must remain faithful to one's principles, and not change the
government. How do we know? We learn it from the words,
addressed by the Duke of Chou to King Ch`êng, concerning the
establishment of government. ["Sometimes things[1550] will interfere.
Then stick to your words and your speech, and let us be thinking
of officers of complete virtue, to regulate the people whom we have
received."][1551] The establishment of the government by the Duke of

Chou must be admitted to be most considerate. He was aware
that extraordinary accidents are not to be avoided by liberality.
Therefore he admonished the king to stick to his word and, since
the administration was unimpeachable, not to introduce any changes.
Extraordinary events might interfere, but they were not caused by
any recklessness.

The wet fluid interfered with Yao, and the dry one, with
T`ang. King Hsüan of Chou,[1552] generous as he was, met with a long
drought, and at the commencement and the end of the Chien-ch`u
period,[1553] all the northern provinces had to suffer from a continued
drought. The cattle died, the people were famished and driven
from their homes, reduced to poverty. The views of our sage
Lord occupying the Imperial Throne, were most liberal and enlightened,
and under him the officials all discharged their duties.
It was obviously a time of universal peace, and not the slightest
deficiency was to be discovered in the government. And yet the
dry fluid rushed in. The wise ruler understood the state of affairs,
and did not change the mode of government, but he sent about
grain, to be distributed among the poor, and he used his affluence,
to help the indigent. This displayed his clear insight, and thus
those charged with the relief work did all they could.

Duke Wên of Lu was visited with a great drought one year.[1554]
Tsang Wên Chung[1555] suggested that he should repair the inner and
outer walls, making economies by reducing his expenses, practising
frugality, and calling upon the people to contribute. Tsang Wên
Chung was alive to the fact that government was not responsible
for the drought, hence he confined himself to building the walls,
without altering the administration.

The phenomenalists witnessing a sudden change, do not hesitate
to ascribe it to government, paying no regard to its innocence,
and viewing an extraordinary event, in their alarm and confusion,
they change their proceedings, and, by changing what should not
be altered, they merely bring down misfortune upon themselves.

On what do they base their affirmation that the rain sacrifice
is necessary? They contend that respecting the great rain sacrifice
of the Ch`un-ch`iu the commentators Kung Yang as well as Ku Liang,

in their comments, have no word of criticism, whence it is obvious
that the rain sacrifice must be performed.

Tsêng Hsi in reply to a question of Confucius as to his wishes
said, ["At the eve of spring, when the spring dress is ready, along
with five or six young men who have assumed the cap, and six
or seven boys, I would dash through the Yi, carol among the
dancing performers of the rain sacrifice,[1556] and with songs make my
offering."[1557] —Confucius replied, "I agree with Tien."][1558]

In Lu they used to hold the rain sacrifice on the banks of
the Yi. The "eve" is synonymous with late. Spring denotes the
fourth moon; that the spring dress is ready means to say that the
dress for the fourth moon is ready. Young men with caps and
boys are those gamboling at the rain sacrifice.[1559] To dash through
the Yi signifies to wade through its water in imitation of dragons
rising from the water.[1560] To carol among the dancing performers
of the rain sacrifice is the same as to sing. With songs to make
offerings[1561] means to sing hymns, and make some oblation for the
sacrifice i. e., to sing and sacrifice.

Some critics are of opinion that yü[1562] (to dash) means to bathe
in the Yi river, and fêng[1563] (to carol) to dry the body. The fourth
month of the Chou dynasty corresponds to the second month of
the corrected year.[1564] Then it is still cold, and no proper time for
bathing or drying the body in the wind. Consequently wading
through water, but evidently not bathing was a part of the rain
sacrifice.

In Tso Ch`iu Ming's commentary to the Ch`un-ch`iu it is said
that, when the torpid insects begin to stir, it is time for the rain
sacrifice, and also that, when the Dragon appears, the rain sacrifice

is offered.[1565] The insects begin to move, and the Dragon becomes
visible in the second month. The second month of spring is the
time for the rain sacrifice, and the eighth month of autumn likewise.
In spring they sue for grain rain, and in autumn, that the
grain may bear fruit. Our present worship of the Ling constellation
is the autumnal rain sacrifice. The vernal sacrifice has fallen into
desuetude, and only the autumnal one remains. Thus the invocation
of the Ling constellation is the yearly rain sacrifice.[1566]

Confucius said "I agree with Tien." He approves of his wish
to offer the rain sacrifice and harmonize the Yin and Yang. In this
he concurs with him. If the rain sacrifice had not been proper,
and Tien wished to have it performed, Confucius would have been
obliged to reprove him instead of giving his assent.

Fan Ch`ih rambling with the master, was impressed by the
rain sacrifice and asked the pertinent question why in Lu they
did not exalt virtue, and merely cared for the rain sacrifice.[1567] This
sacrifice is of very old origin, for the Liki says that the rain
sacrifice is an offering made in times of inundation and drought.
Consequently it is based on custom. Confucius did not criticize it,
and it was set forth by Tung Chung Shu. The rain sacrifice is an
established rite. In the same manner as the rain sacrifice is based
on custom, in case of high water drums are beaten, and animals
immolated at the altars of the land, also an old custom. There
being such a ceremony, it cannot be wrong.[1568] This is the first
justification of the rain sacrifice.

It is customary to sacrifice. We acknowledge the merits of
the spirits of the land which produce all things. But the earth
is of great extent, and it becomes difficult to sacrifice everywhere.
Therefore the altars of the land have been erected as centres of
devout worship. Floods and droughts are the fluids of the Yin
and Yang. Since they spread everywhere, it is difficult to sacrifice
to all. Whence altars have been built to represent them, where
they are implored with the greatest reverence. The worship is
analogous to that of the spirits of the land, and with a view to
removing calamitous events.

The dead are worshipped like the living, and ghosts, as
though they were men. If the original fluid of the Yin and the

Yang be like living man, can it eat and drink? Under this supposition
they are presented with perfumes, and offered the choicest
dishes, all with the greatest care, with the hope that these offerings
will be requited.[1569] This analogy with the sacrifices to the spirits
of the land is the second justification for the rain sacrifice.

While the fluids of the year are in harmony, no calamities
ensue; still they prepare the rain sacrifice. The worship of the
"Ling" constellation is a very ancient custom, moreover the fluid
of the year may suddenly change, and freshets and droughts are
not subject to time, which accounts for the extreme fear of the
ruler of men. Therefore, in addition to the oblations made to the
"Ling" constellation, they still offer the rain sacrifice with the
idea that, should the former rites have been unsufficient, the
deficiency may be supplemented by repeating the sacrifice on a
second day, and with a view to making good again the disaster
caused by the calamity, and being rewarded with an abundant
harvest. This is the third reason.

At a religious ceremony the heart feels distressed, and, when
music is made, it is cheerful. The distressed disclose their sentiments
by offering jewels and brocade, and the cheerful give expression
to their feelings with bells and drums. The prayers at
the rain sacrifice testify to the sincerity of the sovereign, but this
sincerity resides in the heart, and does not become manifest without.
Therefore all the alarm and anxiety is manifested by the
rain sacrifice, and the previous sincerity of the heart thus revealed,
which is the meaning of jewels and brocade, bells and drums.[1570]
This is the fourth argument.

A subject having offended against his sovereign, and a son
having failed against his father, reform, when they are punished,
and, moreover, acknowledge their guilt. Provided that droughts,
which cause such an alarm, be brought about by government, then
it would be like the offence of a subject, or the guilt of a son. If
then the administration were quietly changed, and the proceedings
stealthily altered, it would not appear without, and Heaven's anger
could not be appeased. Therefore the rain sacrifice is necessary
to show the anxiety. That is the fifth argument.

The Han established the office of scholars of great learning[1571]
who were to teach the youth the art of disputation with the object
of probing every question to the bottom, and exposing the right
and wrong principles. They were not to raise unnecessary difficulties,
nor always to acquiesce, neither were they to be lavish of
bitter criticisms, nor to give a sweet reply, whatever they heard.
They guide the talents of their disciples, now bending them down,
now raising them up, but for their benefit. Grinding a sword,
we do not cut the whetstone, our only wish being to make it
pointed.[1572] By expounding the meaning of the Ch`un-ch`iu, we endeavour
to elucidate the rain sacrifice, examining the view of Confucius,
and scrutinising the ideas of Tung Chung Shu. Since Confucius is
no more, and Tung Chung Shu is also dead, to whom in the world
can we apply for instruction? None but disciples of Confucius and
followers of Tung Chung Shu[1573] are qualified to give a satisfactory
answer.