University of Virginia Library


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CHAPTER XIX.

Further Remarks on the State (Hui-kuo).

[Yen Yuan, in admiration of the Master's doctrine, sighed and
said, "The more I looked up to it, the higher it appeared to me,
and the deeper I penetrated into it, the harder it became."][875] This
means that Yen Yuan having studied with Confucius month after
month and year after year, found the doctrine becoming deeper
and deeper. In the chapter entitled "Praise of the Han Dynasty"[876]
we have given the Han precedence over the Chou and endeavoured
to show that the Han outrivalled the Chou, but our investigations
were not yet exhaustive. If we expand them to the utmost limit,
we shall acquire a still clearer conception of the greatness of the
Han dynasty.

When a Classic is most thoroughly explained, all its remarkable
beauties become visible. So an exhaustive treatise on a State brings
out all its admirable features. From these additional remarks on
the Han era it will become plain that it ranks above all other ages.
My reasons are the following:

Huang Ti had to fight at Cho-lu,[877] and Yao led his troops to
Tan-shui. In Shun's time the Yu Miao[878] did not submit; at the commencement
of the Hsia dynasty the Hu rebelled. Kao Tsung invested
the "Devil country"[879] and destroyed its people after three years.
Under the regime of King Ch`êng of Chou there was an insurrection
in Kuan and T`sai,[880] and Chou Kung had to undertake an expedition
to the east. All this happened under the former dynasties.


202

We do not hear of similar occurences during the Han time.
During the reign of Kao Tsu, Ch`ên Hsi[881] revolted and P`êng Yüeh[882]
rebelled, but then peace was secured. When in the time of Hsiao
Ching Ti, Wu
and Ch`u levied troops against him, the emperor vented
his resentment against Ch`ao T`so.[883] The Hsiung-nu were constantly
making trouble and the calendar did not reach them,[884] but the
emperor did not infest their naturally barren country with his soldiers.
At present they all tender their allegiance and offer oxen
and horses as tribute, because the power of the Han is so imposing,
that they do not venture any opposition.

When Chou committed the greatest atrocities, the whole empire
took up arms against him. King Wu enlisted troops all anxious
to fight forthwith, and eight hundred feudatory princes appeared
uninvited.[885]

Hsiang Yü displeased with the inferiority of his title, collected
troops and rose simultaneously with Kao Tsu. Their power had
not yet been balanced. As to the strength of Hsiang Yü, the breaking
iron is much more difficult than breaking wood. Kao Tsu destroyed
Hsiang Yü and broke his iron. Wu Wang in defeating Chou merely
broke wood. Consequently, the strength of the Han surpassed that
of the Chou by far.

The annihilation of one foe is comparatively easy, that of
two, an arduous task, however. T`ang and Wu defeated Chieh and
Chou, one enemy each. Kao Tsu, on the other hand, destroyed
Ch`in and killed Hsiang Yü, vanquishing the two houses at the same
time. His strength therefore must have been double that of T`ang
and Wu.[886]

Wu Wang was chief of the west to Yin. He served Chou[887] as
a subject, and as a subject attacked his sovereign. Such was the


203

disgust of Po Yi and Shu Ch`i at this conduct, that, leading their horses
behind them, they made remonstrances. But Wu Wang declined to
hear them. Lest they should eat the millet of Chou, they died of
starvation at Shou-yang.[888] Kao Tsu was not a minister of Ch`in, nor
was Kuang Wu Ti an officer of Wang Mang. The punishment of
a depraved sovereign and the annihilation of a vicious ruler do not
call for the criticisms of Po Yi, and, in this respect, the moral
standard of the two emperors may be declared higher than that of
their Chou predecessors.[889]

It is easy to rise high from hills and mountains and easy to
dive deep in abysses and gullies, but it is an arduous task to rise
from low and humble spheres without any stepping-stone. Contrariwise,
it is very convenient to inherit a title and succeed to an
estate, noble ancestors having laid the foundation of one's fortune.

Yao came to the throne as a marquis of T`ang, and Shun
succeeded to Yao as minister of finance when the latter abdicated.
followed Shun, on account of his merits, as minister of works.
T`ang was in possession of an estate of seventy Li, Wên Wang had
a hundred Li, and Wu Wang was margrave of the west and heir
to Wên Wang's dignity in the metropolitan district.[890] The rise of
these Five Monarchs and territorial lords had its good reasons and
was easy because they had the necessary power.

Kao Tsu began his career as a headborough. Brandishing his
sword three feet long, he conquered the empire. Kuang Wu Ti started
from Po-shui[891] and exerted his prowess within the four seas. He
did not call one foot of land his own, or hold any position, but
immediatly received Heaven's decree and merely followed the trend
of events. This was like rising from an abyss or a gully, or like
diving from a hill or a mountain. Whose reigns were more remarkable,
those of the Five Monarchs or those of these two sovereigns?

We learn from several historical works that when Wu Wang
was going to supersede Chou, T`ai Kung had devised a secret plan.
He gave a small boy cinnabar to eat, so that his body turned red,
and when he had grown up he taught him to say:—"The Yin are
ruined." The people of Yin beholding the red body of the small


204

boy, took him for a heavenly spirit,[892] and, when he said that the
Yin were ruined, they all believed that the Shang would perish.

When the soldiers arrived at the plain of Mu, at dawn they
carried tallow-candles.[893] These artful devices deceived the people,
and Wu Wang availed himself of Chou's[894] unpreparedness. The Chou
conceal this, but the world calls it imposture. When the Han conquered
the empire, they did not use such false pretences.

In the chapter "Completion of the War"[895] it is related that
when the Chou defeated Chou, pestles were swimming in blood.
This being recorded in the aforesaid chapter, the story about feeding
a boy with cinnabar and lifting tallow-candles at dawn is probably
true also.

When the Han smote the doomed Hsin Huang Ti,[896] Kuang Wu Ti
had five thousand men under his command. Wang Mang dispatched
two dukes at the head of thirty thousand men. When they were
fighting at K`un-yang[897] it thundered and rained, and all was wrapped
in obscurity, so that the front and the rear-ranks could not see
each other. The soldiers of Han issued from the city of K`un-yang
and attacked the armies of the two dukes. One man stood for ten,
and the troops of the two dukes were routed.[898] Heaven helped the
Han with thunder and rain to overpower their enemies; was not
that quite something different from carrying tallow-candles and
taking in the Yin by human tricks?

Some say that when Wu Wang had defeated Chou, the latter
threw himself into a fire and died. Wu Wang personally with a
halberd cut off his head and hung it up on a great white standard.[899]
King Hsüan of Ch`i pitied an ox whose blood was to be smeared
on a bell, because he saw it trembling.[900] King Chuang of Ch`u
condoned the guilt of the viscount of Chêng, on beholding his bare


205

flesh and his emaciated body.[901] A superior man hates the wicked,
but not his body. The sight of the corpse of Chou in the flames
must have been a dismal one, much worse than the trembling of
the ox or the emaciated person. How could Wu Wang bear to sever
the head with a halberd and hang it up?

When Kao Tsu entered Hsien-yang, Yen Yüeh had executed Erh
Shih Huang Ti,
and Hsiang Yü had killed Tse Ying.[902] Kao Tsu entered
Ch`in with a placid look and did not mutilate the two corpses. At
the arrival of Kuang Wu Ti in Ch`ang-an, Liu Shêng Kung[903] had already
killed Wang Mang, but although he had his soldiers in readiness
to punish the guilty, he did not lift his sword against the dead
body. Which is greater, the barbarity of him who cut off the
head of a corpse burned in fire or the clemency of sparing a body
already cut to pieces? Was this Wu Wang's revenge for Yu-li?[904]

The imprisonment of a subject by his lord was not as blamable
as the dethronement of the Chou by the Ch`in dynasty or the
poisoning of P`ing Ti[905] by Wang Mang. In regard to the depravity
of Chieh and Chou, Tsou Po Chi[906] is of opinion that it was not as
bad as that of doomed Ch`in, and that doomed Ch`in was not as bad
as Wang Mang. Yet in spite of his minor guilt the Chou punished
King Chou so cruelly, and in spite of the more serious nature of
their crimes the Han dealt so leniently with Ch`in and Wang Mang.
Where was the greater generosity and where the greater narrow
mindedness?

When the mother of Kao Tsu was enceinte, a scaly dragon
appeared above her, and in her dreams she met with a spirit. Her son
was very fond of wine and would drink it on credit in a wineshop.
Forgetting to pay, he drank till he was intoxicated and fell
asleep. Then always some portent would appear above him. Walking
at night, he killed a snake, and the mother of the snake cried most
lamentably. Together with Lü Hou he often repaired to a field-cottage
and used to hide. Then a brilliant fluid would shine forth,
so that Lü Hou knew his where-abouts. Ch`in Shih Huang Ti perceived


206

the fluid of a son of heaven in the south-east,[907] and the Five
Planets rose and assembled at the Eastern Well.[908] When the people
of Ch`in looked out for the army of Han the clouds showed all sorts
of tints.

At the birth of Kuang Wu Ti a phœnix alighted on the city,
and a blade of auspicious grain grew in an apartment. At midnight,
when no candles were burning, his deceased mother appeared
floating in the air in a stream of light.[909] At first Su Po A observed
that the air at Ch`un-ling was condensed and concentrated,[910] and
when Kuang Wu Ti, on his progress, passed an old cottage, he
beheld a wavering fluid going up to the sky.

No such phenomena have been recorded in connexion with
the birth and the rise of the Five Emperors and the Three Rulers.
The mother of Yao was moved by a red dragon, but no miraculous
signs are reported attending his accession. The mother of
swallowed pearl-barley, and before she gave birth to her son obtained
a black jade bâton. The mother of Hsieh consumed a swallow's
egg, and when T`ang put in an appearance, a white wolf carried
a hook in its mouth. The mother of Hou Chi stepped into the
foot-prints of a giant.[911] When Wên Wang came to the front he
obtained a red bird, Wu Wang got a fish and a crow,[912] but in no
case could they compete with the prodigies indicative of universal
peace under the Han emperors.

In the times of Huang Ti, Yao and Shun, a phœnix was seen
once, but very few were those of the numerous portents which
became visible twice. Han Wên Ti had a yellow dragon and a
jade staff, Wu Ti, a yellow dragon, a unicorn, and joined trees,
under Hsüan Ti a phœnix came five times, besides there were a
unicorn, spiritual birds, sweet dew, wine springs, a yellow dragon,
and a supernatural glamour. P`ing Ti could boast of a white and
black pheasant, Hsiao Ming Ti had a unicorn, spiritual birds, sweet
dew, wine springs, a white and a black pheasant, felicitous boletus,
joined trees, and auspicious grain, signs as wonderful as those of
Hsüan Ti.[913] Then there was a supernatural tripod and gold found


207

in a miraculous manner.[914] So numerous and unceasing were the
omens corresponding to the emperor's accomplishments. In view
of the illustrious virtue of the Han dynasty, these auspicious auguries
were so numerous.

After the demise of Hsiao Ming Ti our present Lord[915] ascended
the throne. In the time between the first and second year[916] of
his reign, the blessings of his virtue were felt everywhere. In his
third year, five felicitous boletuses grew in Ling-ling;[917] in his
fourth year, sweet dew fell in five districts, and in his fifth year
boletuses grew again. In the sixth year, yellow dragons made their
appearance, altogether eight, big and small ones.[918] When in former
ages dragons had shown themselves, they never came in pairs, and
two boletuses never grew together. Sweet dew did not fall but
in one place. At present, eight dragons came forth simultaneously,
and of boletuses there grew as many as eleven, and sweet dew
poured down on five districts.[919] The excellence of the Han was
so abundant and conspicuous, that auguries happened in such
numbers. Which of the ancient emperors and rulers ever attained
to this?

The Literati urge that sovereigns, after having developed their
virtue, receive the decree of Heaven. In the chapter "Heaven's
Original Gift"[920] of the Lun-hêng we have maintained that rulers
are already endowed with the heavenly fate at their birth, but
it is difficult to know life.

In case we assume two endowments, then wine and food
given twice are more abundant than given once. As the scholars
say, the Five Monarchs received the decree of Heaven but once
each, only the Han received it twice, consequently the fate granted
them must be richer than that of their predecessors. If the statement
of the Lun-hêng be correct, and the spontaneous fluid be
received at birth, then likewise the quantity received by the house
of Han must be greater. Having been cut off,[921] they were again
restored, and having died, they revived again. In the world, persons
that after death come to life again, are usually looked upon as


208

genii. The reign of the Han had been cut off and was renewed.
The fact that Kuang Wu Ti regained the lost throne is something
very remarkable.

Wu Wang defeating Chou availed himself of the savages of
Shu,[922] who helped him in the battle of Mu-yeh. In the time of
Ch`êng Wang, the Yüeh-ch`ang[923] presented a pheasant, and the Japanese
brought odoriferous plants as tribute. When the power of Yu and
Li[924] was shattered, the Jung and the Ti made an attack on the
capital of Chou, and King P`ing proceeded eastward,[925] in order to
avoid their aggressions, but under the Han dynasty the four kinds
of savages[926] all appeared at court with tributes. In the first year
of Yuan-shih[927] of the emperor P`ing Ti, the Yüeh-ch`ang appeared with
interpreters for two languages[928] and offered one white pheasant and
two black ones. Owing to the excellence of Ch`êng Wang and Chou
Kung's
assistance, they had presented one pheasant, but P`ing Ti
received three.

Subsequently, in his fourth year, the Ch`iang tribes,[929] Liang
Ch`iao, Ch`iao Chung,
and Liang Yuan[930] and others outside the fortifications
of Chin-ch`êng[931] offered their fish-ponds and their salt-land,
and desired to become subjects of the Han. Afterwards, the Han
even got possession of the stone house of Hsi Wang Mu, and established
there the circuit of the "Western Sea."[932] In the Chou era


209

the Jung and the Ti attacked the king, in the Han period they
became subjects of the empire, and offered their valuable land. The
State of Hsi Wang Mu lies outside the farthest limits of the world,
yet the Han annexed it. Whose virtue is greater and whose territory
larger, that of the Han or the Chou?

At present the Ai-lao and the Shan-shan are willing to tender
their allegiance and to revert to virtue. Owing to the constant
disturbances of the Hsiung-nu, generals were sent to chastise them,
who captured thousands and ten thousands of their cattle.

Yü, the Hsia emperor, went naked into the country of the
people of Wu, and T`ai Po, gathering medicinal herbs, cut off his
hair and tattooed his body.[933] With reference to the territory of
Yao and Shun, Wu ranked as an uncultivated dependency. The
Yüeh were counted among the Nine Savages.[934] They wore woollen
cloth and wrapped a sash round their heads.[935] Now they are
all Chinese subjects wearing long dresses and using shoes. The
people of Pa, Shu,[936] Yüeh-sui,[937] Yü-lin,[938] Annam, Liaotung, and Yo-lang,
in the Chou time, wore their hair long and in tufts with hair-pins,
now they wear fur-caps. In the Chou era they required two interpreters,
now they chant the Shiking and the Shuking.

The Ch`un-ch`iu puts forward the principle that [the relations
of sovereigns ought not to harbour wicked designs, and that if
they do they deserve death.][939] The king of Kuang-ling, Ching was
led astray by a mischievous magician, and Ying, king of Ch`u, was
beguiled by a mean fellow. Several times their plans became
manifest, but Hsiao Ming Ti pardoned them three times. The two
kings then swallowed poison.[940] Chou Kung executing Kuan and T`sai
went much farther than this.


210

The relations of King Ch`u from his mother's side, the Hsü
family, conspired with him. Hsiao Ming Ti said, "The Hsü family
is related to the king, that they should wish him honour and glory
is but human." Thus his holy heart forgave them and did not
treat them according to law.

The marquis Fu of Yin Chiang posted a letter in the market
and in the villages, slandering the holy government. Our Lord
regretting[941] his treachery, deprived him of his title and his territory.
Hating a man one dislikes his adherents left behind.[942] Yet
the emperor raised the sons of the two kings and thus pacified
Ch`u and Kuang-ling, and allowed the younger brother of Chiang,
Yuan
to continue the sacrifices to the Yin family.[943] The two kings
were of imperial blood, and as feudatory princes, and kings, the
equals of Kuan and Ts`ai. Yet the descendants of the latter were
extinguished, whereas for the two kings their posterity was reinstated
into all their honours, an act of clemency deserving the
highest praise. Yin Chiang had another family name than the emperor,
but out of respect for his ancestors the sacrifices were
preserved.

The righteousness shown by raising Wu Kêng[944] and the kindness
displayed in allowing Lu Fu to continue the sacrificial rites
is not so very great, for the Yin[945] were emperors as well as the
Chou, who levied troops to fight them, coveting the grandeur of
the empire, and thus cut off the reign of Ch`êng T`ang. This was
not an act of justice worthy of a holy sovereign, nor in accordance
with Heaven's command. Yin Chiang, on the other side, was but
a subject, and the reign of the Han was firmly established. The
extinction of the Yin family would not have been contrary to
justice, and its preservation, nevertheless, was due to the boundless
kindness of Hsiao Ming Ti. His favours showered down on his
own kindred within and on other families without. How could
the liberality of Yao or the generosity of Shun exceed this?

The dealings of Huan Tou were such, that he was at home
with glib-tongued people and employed the perverse. Kung Kung


211

intrigued with him and was, therefore, recommended to Yao. San
Miao
was an artful and cunning man, or as some say it was a
guilty country. Kun could not regulate the waters, being at his
wits' end. All were personally guilty and could not shift their
guilt upon the emperor. Therefore Yao and Shun banished them, and
they died in regions devoid of vegetation.[946] All those who maliciously
plotted against the emperor, who resenting the strong hand
of government revolted, who having to investigate something did
not speak the truth, who injured the State or killed its officers,
and whose offences were much graver than those of the abovenamed
four criminals, all those were by Hsiao Ming Ti most graciously
merely sentenced to banishment into the border-lands. Our
present Lord in his utmost kindness caused them to return to
their native places. Since the dawn of civilisation no similar mercy
was ever shown.

Yen Tse said that, the Hook Star being between the House
and the Heart, the earth would be moved.[947] An earthquake is
naturally determined by time and not the result of government,
but the emperor was terror-stricken[948] and attributed the event to
his administration all the same, minutely investigating its merits
and good qualities, and inquiring into its defects and shortcomings.
Kao Tsung stooped down,[949] and Ch`êng of Chou opened the trunk.[950]
Thus far did their zeal lead them. When grain grows and the
year is normal, even a common ruler, by merely following his fate,
is able to establish a virtuous government, but when calamities and
dangers abound, only the sagest and wisest are successful in their
efforts to reform. Thus every ordinary doctor knows how to deal
with a small disease, but none but a Pien Ch`io can cope with a
virulent attack.[951]

In the first year of the Chien-ch`u period,[952] a pernicious current
arrived, causing all the diseases of the year, which was much worse
than a drought and a want of rain, when the cattle die and the
people are driven from their homes. The emperor exhibited his


212

virtue:—the best and worthiest men were in office, and the five
presidents of the board of work supported the State in its troubles,
sending about grain and giving relief. Although those left starving
were not a few, yet the empire admired the emperor's virtue, and
in spite of all those difficulties it did not revolt. The people were
destitute of grain, but replete with principles and virtue, their bodies
were roving about on the roads, but their hearts, returning to their
native villages. Therefore no traces of robbery were to be found
on the highways, and in hidden and out-of-the-way places no acts
of violence were committed. Danger was changed into security, and
distress into comfort. Which of the Five Emperors and Three
Rulers would have been fit to bring about such a state of things?

 
[875]

Analects IX, 10.

[876]

On p. 192.

[877]

The capital of Huang Ti in Chili.

[878]

On Tan-shui and the Yu Miao see Vol. I, p. 494, Notes 3 and 4.

[879]

[OMITTED]. An allusion to the Yiking, 63th hexagram (Legge, Sacred Books
Vol. XVI, p. 205), The "devil country" or "demon region" means the barbarous
hords in the north of China.

[880]

See p. 18.

[881]

[OMITTED], as the name is written in the Shi-chi. Ed. B has:—[OMITTED]. Ch`ên
Hsi
was a counsellor to the king of Chao. He caused an insurrection against Kao
Tsu
in 197 b.c. and was decapitated in 196. Cf. Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. II,
p. 393 seq. and 399.

[882]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 218, Note 5.

[883]

Ch`ao T`so eked on five States to rebel against the Han. The plot failed,
and Ch`ao T`so was put to death by order of the emperor in 154 b.c. Cf. Chavannes
loc. cit.
p. 499 and 509.

[884]

The acceptance of the Chinese calendar has always been regarded as a
sign of submission.

[885]

A fact mentioned in the Shi-chi (Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 226).

[886]

This inference is wrong, of course, for we do not know whether the power
of Ch`in and Hsiang Yü was, each of them, equal to that of Chieh or Chou.

[887]

[OMITTED].

[888]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 168, Note 2 and p. 430, Notes 1 and 2.

[889]

Who killed their rightful lieges.

[890]

[OMITTED] lit. the "three zones" round the capital. Cf. Couvreur Dict.

[891]

A district in Shensi.

[892]

This passage is quoted in the T`ai-p`ing-yü-lan chap. 985, p. 3v., but the
text differs. There the boy does not eat the cinnabar, but smears his body with it.
See also Vol. I, p. 484 where the corresponding passage, which owing to the conciseness
of the text was mistranslated, must be corrected. Tan Chiao is not a name.

[893]

Quoted in the Pei-wên-yün-fu.

[894]

[OMITTED].

[895]

[OMITTED] chapter of the Shuking, see Vol. I, p. 484, Notes 4 and 5.

[896]

I. e. Wang Mang who assumed the title the "New Emperor."

[897]

A district in the Ying-chou prefecture of Anhui.

[898]

In 23 a.d.

[899]

Cf. Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 235.

[900]

The story is related by Mencius Book I, Part I, chap. VII, 4 (Legge, Classics
Vol. II, p. 139).

[901]

In the year 596 b.c. the capital of Chêng was taken by Ch`u after a long
siege. Then the scene alluded to took place. The narrative is found in the Tso-chuan,
Duke Hsüan, 12th year.

[902]

See Vol. I, p. 319, Notes 4 to 7.

[903]

Generally known as Liu Hsüan, a cousin to Kuang Wu Ti.

[904]

The place where Wên Wang, the father of Wu Wang. was imprisoned by
order of King Chou.

[905]

The last emperor of the Former Han dynasty.

[906]

An author, see Vol. I, p. 469, Note 3.

[907]

See Vol. I, p. 177 seq.

[908]

A solar mansion corresponding to Gemini.

[909]

See Vol. I, p. 180.

[910]

Cf. loc. cit. p. 181, where the reading Ch`uang-ling (ed. B.) must be corrected
into Ch`un-ling.

[911]

On these various miracles compare Vol. I, p. 318 seq.

[912]

Cf. p. 311.

[913]

See p. 196.

[914]

See p. 213.

[915]

Chang Ti.

[916]

76-77 a.d.

[917]

In the prefecture of Yung-chou, Hunan.

[918]

More details on these eight dragons are given on p. 216.

[919]

All these portents are faithfully chronicled in the Hou Han-shu chap. 3,
p. 6r. seq., only in the numbers and the years there are slight differences.

[920]

Vol. I, p. 130.

[921]

By the usurper Wang Mang who ousted the Former Han dynasty.

[922]

The aborigines of Ssechuan.

[923]

[OMITTED]. In Vol. I, p. 505 where the same statement is made Wang Ch`ung
writes the name [OMITTED].

[924]

The two Chou emperors reigning from 878-828 b.c. (Li) and from 781 to
771 (Yu).

[925]

He left the old capital Hao-ching in Shensi, and took up his residence
farther eastward in Lo-yi (Honan).

[926]

The savages from the four quarters.

[927]

In 1 a.d.

[928]

They could not converse with the Chinese through one interpreter, finding
nobody who could understand their language and Chinese, and therefore required
one more to translate their speech into a language from which it could be rendered
into Chinese.

[929]

Tribes in the West of China.

[930]

Of these tribes only the Liang Yuan are mentioned in the Han-shu, Biography
of Wang Mang (Pei-wên-yün-fu).

[931]

A place in Kansu.

[932]

The geographical part of the Sui-shu (quoted in the Pei-wên-yün-fu) informs
us that the circuit of the "Western Sea" [OMITTED] includes the old city of Fusse
[OMITTED], wherever that may be, and embraces the kingdom of T`u-yü-hun
[OMITTED]. There is the stone grotto of Hsi Wang Mu and the salt lake Kukunor.
Chavannes, Les Tou Kiue Occidentaux
p. 372 likewise places T`u-yü-hun on the banks
of this lake. The Hsi-yü-chuan [OMITTED], on the other side, states that T`iao-chih
[OMITTED], which I take to be Syria, is conterminous with Hsi-hai, and that there are
big birds whose eggs are like jugs (ostriches). It is impossible that the Han
carried their conquests so far.

[933]

Cf. Vol. I, p. 131, Notes 1 and 2.

[934]

See Analects IX, 13 and Vol. I, p. 406, Note 6.

[935]

[OMITTED], an expression not found elsewhere.

[936]

Two ancient States in Ssechuan.

[937]

The modern Ch`u-hsiung-fu in Yünnan.

[938]

The present Kuei-lin-fu, Kuangsi.

[939]

Kung Yang, Duke Chuang 32nd year.

[940]

The king of Kuang-ling committed suicide in 67 a.d., the king of Ch`u in
70 a.d. See Hou Han-shu chap. 2, p. 13v. and p. 16v.

[941]

Ed. A and B:[OMITTED] for [OMITTED].

[942]

Ed. A writes:—[OMITTED], Ed. C:[OMITTED] and Ed. B:[OMITTED].

[943]

[OMITTED], the family of Yin Chiang.

[944]

The son of the last emperor of the Yin dynasty, also called Lu Fu. See
Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 207, Note 4. But here two different persons seem
to be meant.

[945]

The Yin dynasty.

[946]

On the banishment of these four criminals see the Shuking Part II, Book I,
12 (Legge, Classics Vol. III, Part I, p. 39) and Chavannes, Mém. Hist. Vol. I, p. 67.

[947]

Cf. p. 160, Note 1.

[948]

This seems to refer to an earthquake which happened in Wang Ch`ung's time.

[949]

See p. 161.

[950]

Cf. p. 18.

[951]

Cf. p. 134, Note 1. Perhaps the [OMITTED] there is merely a misprint for
[OMITTED].

[952]

76 a.d.