The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
II. |
TO JAMES MONORE. |
The writings of James Madison, | ||
TO JAMES MONORE.
Dear Sir,—I am favoured with yours of the 18th of
March. My last answered your preceding one relating
to your territorial speculation. I hope it has
been recd. I forgot to intimate to you, though I presume
it would have been superfluous, that it will be
well in every purchase to ascertain by information as
far as possible, the proportion of land which lies on the
river and comes within the description of low grounds.
The value of every tract depends much on this proportion.
The contiguous upland is I believe generally
of good soil, but there must be both degrees & exceptions
to its quality. The low grounds are in a manner
uniformly & universally good. The step taken by N.
Jersey was certainly a rash one, and will furnish fresh
pretexts to unwilling States for withholdg their contributions.[62]
In one point of view however it furnishes a
our eyes of impotency in the federal system, to remain
sceptical with regard to the necessity of infusing
more energy into it? A Government cannot long stand
which is obliged in the ordinary course of its administration
to court a compliance with its constitutional
acts, from a member not of the most powerful order,
situated within the immediate verge of authority, and
apprised of every circumstance which should remonstrate
against disobedience. The question whether it
be possible and worth while to preserve the Union of
the States must be speedily decided some way or
other. Those who are indifferent to its preservation
would do well to look forward to the consequences of
its extinction. The prospect to my eye is a gloomy
one indeed. I am glad to hear that the opposition to
the impost is likely to be overcome. It is an encouragement
to persevere in good measures. I am afraid
at the same time that like other auxiliary resources it
will be overrated by the States, and slacken the
regular efforts of taxation. It is also materially short
of the power which Congress ought to have with regard
to Trade. It leaves the door unshut agst. a comercial
warfare among the States, our trade exposed
to foreign machinations, and the distresses of an unfavorable
balance very little checked. The experience
of European Merchts who have speculated in
our trade will probably check in a great measure, our
they will continue to credit us as far as our coin in addition
to our productions will extend, and our experience
here teaches us that our people will extend their consumption
as far as credit can be obtained.
"Jersey having taken into consideration the late requisition, the house of delegates
resolv'd that having enter'd into the confederation upon terms highly disadvantagous
to that state, from the necessity of public Affr. at the time, and a
confidence that those points in which they were aggriev'd wod be remedied and
finding this was not the case and a compact founded in such unequal principles
likely, by their acquiescence to be fetter'd on them, they wo? not therefore comply
with the same until their grievances were redress'd."—Monroe to Madison,
March 19, 1786.—Writings of Monroe, i., 124.
The writings of James Madison, | ||