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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
  
  
  
 II. 
  

  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,—Notwithstanding the communications
in your favor of the 18th. Ulto, which has remained till
now unacknowledged, it was the opinion of every
judicious friend whom I consulted, that your name
could not be spared from the Deputation to the Meeting
in May at Philadelphia. It was supposed in the
first place, that the peculiarity of the Mission, and its
acknowledged pre-eminence over every other public
object, may possibly reconcile your undertaking it,


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with the respect which is justly due, & which you wish
to pay, to the late officers of the Army; and in the
second place, that although you should find that or
any other consideration an obstacle to your attendance
on the service, the advantage of having your
name in the front of the appointment, as a mark of
the earnestness of Virga, and an invitation to the most
select characters from every part of the Confederacy,
ought at all events to be made use of. In these sentiments
I own I fully concurred, and flatter myself that
they will at least apologize for my departure from
those held out in your letter. I even flatter myself
that they will merit a serious consideration with yourself,
whether the difficulties which you enumerate
ought not to give way to them.

The affair of the Mississippi which was brought
before the Assembly in a long Memorial from the
Western members and some of the Officers, has
undergone a full consideration of both Houses. The
Resolutions printed in the papers were agreed to
unanimously in the House of Delegates. In the
Senate, I am told, the language was objected to by
some members, as too pointed. They certainly express
in substance the decided sense of the country
at this time on the subject, and were offered in the
place of some which went much farther, and which
were in other respects exceptionable. I am entirely
convinced, from what I observe here, that unless the
project of Congress (for ceding to Spain the Mississippi
for 25 years) can be reversed, the hopes of
carrying this State into a proper federal system will


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be demolished. Many of our most federal leading
men are extremely soured with what has already
passed. Mr. Henry, who has been hitherto the
Champion of the federal cause has become a cold
advocate, and in the event of an actual sacrifice of
the Mississippi by Congress, will unquestionably go
over to the opposite side. I have a letter from Col.
Grayson of late date which tells me that nothing
further has been done in Congress, and one from Mr
A. Clarke of New Jersey, which informs me that he
expected every day, instructions from his Legislature
for reversing the vote given by the Delegates of that
State in favor of the project.

The temper of the Assembly at the beginning of
the Session augured an escape from every measure
this year not consonant to the proper principles of
Legislation. I fear now that the conclusion will contradict
the promising outset. In admitting Tobacco
for a commutable, we perhaps swerved a little from
the line in which we set out. I acquiesced in the
measure myself as a prudential compliance with the
clamours within doors & without, and as a probable
means of obviating more hurtful experiments. I find
however now, that it either had no such tendency, or
that schemes were in embryo which I was not aware
of. A bill for establishing District Courts, has been
clogged with a plan for installing all debts now due,
so as to make them payable in three annual portions.
What the fate of the experiment will be I know not.
It seems pretty certain, that if it fails, the bill will fail
with it. It is urged in support of the measure that it


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will be favorable to debtors and creditors both, and
that, without it the bill for accelerating justice would
ruin the former, and endanger the public repose. The
objections are so numerous, and of such a nature, that
I shall myself give up the bill rather than pay such a
price for it.

With unfeigned affection, &c.