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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
  
  
  
 II. 
  

  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
TO JAMES MONROE.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  

TO JAMES MONROE.

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,—Your favor of the 31st ult. did not come
to hand till two days ago. As I expect to see you in
a short time, I will suspend the full communication of
my ideas on the subject of it till I have that pleasure.
I cannot however forbear in the mean time expressing
my amazement that a thought should be entertained
of[69] surrendering the Mississippi, and of guaranteing
the possessions of Spain in America. In the first
place has not Virga., have not Congs themselves, and the
Ministers of Congs, by their orders asserted the right
of those who live
on the waters of the Mississippi to


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use it as the high road given by nature to the sea?
This being the case, have Congs any more authority
to say
that the Western citizens of Virga. shall not pass
through
the capes of Mississippi than to say that her
Eastern citizens
shall not pass through the capes Henry
& Charles.
It should be remembered that the United
States are not now extricating themselves from war,
a crisis
which often knows no law but that of necessity.
The measure in question would be a voluntary barter
in time of profound peace of the rights of one part of
the empire to the interests of another part. What
would Massachusetts say to a proposition for ceding to
Britain her right of fishery
as the price of some stipulations
in favor of Tobacco.

Again can there be a more short-sighted or dishonorable
policy than to concur with Spn in frustrating
the benevolent views of nature to sel1 the affections
of our ultra-montane brethren
to depreciate the richest
fund we possess
to distrust an ally whom we know to
be able to befriend us and to have an interest in doing
it against the only nation whose enmity we can dread,
and at the same time to court by the most precious
sacrifices
the alliance of a nation whose impotency is
notorious, who has given no proof of regard for us and
the genius of whose Government religion & manners
unfit them of all the nations in Christendom for a coalition
with this country. Can anything too, as you well
observe, be more unequal than a stipulation which is
to open all our ports to her and some only and those
the least valuable of hers to us;
and which places the
commercial freedom of our ports agst the fettered regulations


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of those in Spain. I always thought the stipulation
with france & Holld. of the privileges of the
most favoured nation as unequal, and only to be justified
by the influence which the treaties could not fail
to have on the event of the war. A stipulation putting
Spanish subjects on the same footing with our own
citizens
is carrying the evil still farther without the
same pretext for it; and is the more to be dreaded, as
by making her the most favored nation it would let in
the other nations with whom we are now connected to
the same privileges, whenever they may find it their
interest to make the same compensation for them
whilst we have not a reciprocal right to force them
into such an arrangement in case our interest should
dictate it. A guaranty is if possible still more objectionable.
If it be insidious we plunge ourselves into
infamy. If sincere, into obligations the extent of
which cannot easily be determined. In either case we
get farther into the labyrinth of european politics from
which we ought religiously to keep ourselves as free
as possible. And what is to be gained by ruch a rash
step? Will any man in his senses pretend that our
territory needs such a safeguard, or that if it were
in danger, it is the arm of Spain that is to save
it.
Viewing the matter in this light I cannot but
flatter myself, that if the attempt you apprehend
should be made it will be rejected with becoming indignation.
I am less sanguine as to the issue of the other
matter contained in your letter.[70] I know the mutual

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prejudices which impede every overture towards a
just & final settlement of claims & accts. I persist
in the opinion that a proper & speedy adjustment is
unattainable from any assembly constituted as Congs
is, and acting under the impulse which they must. I
need not repeat to you the plan which has always appeared
to me most likely to answer the purpose. In
the mean time, it is mortifying to see the other States,
or rather their Representatives, pursuing a course
which will make the case more & more difficult, &
putting arms into the hands of the Enemies to every
Amendment of our federal system. God knows that
they are formidable enough in this State without such
an advantage. With it, their triumph will be certain
& easy. But I have been led much farther already
than I proposed, and will only that

I am with the sincerest affection, your friend &
servt.

The inclosed Tickets belong to a very worthy
friend who knows not how to obtain a small prize
which they have drawn without giving you the trouble
of applying for it. He is apprehensive that the door
may be already shut agst the demand. If it should
not you will kind eno' to call on the proper office and
get the proper certificate. There are but 2 of the
Tickets I believe which are entitled to prizes, but as
they cannot be distinguished here, it must be done by
the Register in the office.

 
[69]

Italics for cypher.

[70]

The claims of the State against the General Government. See Monroe's
letter. Writings, i., 135.