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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
  
  
  
 II. 
  

  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  

TO GENERAL WASHINGTON.

WASH. MSS.

Dear Sir—Your favor of the 30 Novr. was received
a few days ago. This would have followed
much earlier the one which yours acknowledges had
I not wished it to contain some final information relative
to the commercial propositions. The discussion
of them has consumed much time and though the
absolute necessity of some such general system prevailed
over all the efforts of its adversaries in the
first instance, the stratagem of limiting its duration
to a short term has ultimately disappointed our hopes.
I think it better to trust to further experience and
even distress, for an adequate remedy, than to try a
temporary measure which may stand in the way of a
permanent one, and confirm that transatlantic policy
which is founded on our supposed distrust of Congress
and of one another. Those whose opposition in this
case did not spring from illiberal animosities towards
the Northern States, seem to have been frightened
on one side at the idea of a perpetual and irrevocable


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grant of power, and on the other flattered with a
hope that a temporary grant might be renewed from
time to time, if its utility should be confirmed by the
experiment. But we have already granted perpetual
and irrevocable powers of a more extensive nature
than those now proposed and for reasons not stronger
than the reasons which urge the latter. And as to
the hope of renewal it is the most visionary one that
perhaps ever deluded men of sense. Nothing but
the peculiarity of our circumstances could ever have
produced those sacrifices of sovereignty on which the
federal Government now rests. If they had been
temporary, and the expiration of the term required a
renewal at this crisis, pressing as the crisis is, and recent
as is our experience of the value of the confederacy,
sure I am that it would be impossible to revive
it. What room have we then to hope that the expiration
of temporary grants of commercial powers would
always find a unanimous disposition in the States to
follow their own example. It ought to be remembered
too that besides the caprice, jealousy, and diversity of
situations, which will be certain obstacles in our way,
the policy of foreign nations may hereafter imitate
that of the Macedonian Prince who effected his
purposes against the Grecian confederacy by gaining
over a few of the leading men in the smaller members
of it. Add to the whole, that the difficulty now found
in obtaining a unanimous concurrence of the States
in any measure whatever must continually increase
with every increase of their number, and perhaps in a
greater ratio, as the Ultramontane States may either

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have or suppose they have a less similitude of interests
to the Atlantic States than these have to one
another.—The propositions however have not yet received
the final vote of the House, having lain on the
table for some time as a report from the Come of the
whole. The question was suspended in order to consider
a proposition which had for its object a meeting
of Politico-commercial Com̃issrs from all the States
for the purpose of digesting and reporting the requisite
augmentation of the power of Congress over
trade. What the event will be cannot be foreseen.
The friends of the original propositions are I am
told rather increasing, but I despair of a majority, in
any event for a longer term than 25 years for their
duration. The other scheme will have fewer enemies
and may perhaps be carried. It seems naturally to
grow out of the proposed appointment of Com̃srs
for Virga. & Maryd. concerted at Mount Vernon, for
keeping up harmony in the commercial regulations of
the two States. Maryd has ratified the report, but
has invited into the plan Delaware & Pena, who will
naturally pay the same compliment to their neighbours
&c. &c. Besides the general propositions on
the subject of trade, it has been proposed that some
intermediate measures should be taken by ourselves,
and a sort of navigation Act will I am apprehensive
be attempted. It is backed by the mercantile interest
of most of our towns except Alexandria, which
alone seems to have liberality or light on the subject.
It was refused even to suspend the measure on the
concurrence of Maryd or N. Carolina. This folly

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however cannot one would think brave the ruin which
it threatens to our Merchts, as well as people at large,
when a final vote comes to be given.

We have got thro' a great part of the revisal, and
might by this time have been at the end of it had the
time wasted in disputing whether it could be finished
at this Session been spent in forwarding the work.
As it is we must content ourselves with passing a few
more of the important bills, leaving the residue for
our Successors of the next year. As none of the bills
passed are to be in force till Jany, 1787, and the residue
unpassed will probably be least disputable in
their nature, this expedient, though little eligible, is
not inadmissible. Our public credit has had a severe
attack and a narrow escape. As a compromise it has
been necessary to set forward the half tax till March;
and the whole tax of Sepr. next till Novr. ensuing.
The latter postponement was meant to give the
planters more time to deal with the Mercht. in the sale
of their Tobo., and is made a permanent regulation.
The Assize bill is now depending. It has many
enemies and its fate is precarious. My hopes however
prevail over my apprehensions. The fate of the
Port bill is more' precarious. The failure of an interview
between our Com̃ssrs and Com̃ssrs on the part
of N. Carolina has embarrassed the projected Canal
between the waters of the two States. If N. C. were
entirely well disposed the passing an Act suspended
on & referred to her legislature would be sufficient,
and this course must I suppose be tried, though previous
negociation would have promised more certain


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success.—Kentucky has made a formal application for
independence. Her memorial has been considered
and the terms of separation fixed by a Come. of the
whole. The substance of them is that all private
rights & interests derived from the laws of Virginia
shall be secured that the unlocated lands shall be applied
to the objects to which the laws of Va. have appropriated
them—that nonresidents shall be subjected
to no higher taxes than residents—that the Ohio shall
be a coon highway for Citizens of the U. S. and the
jurisdiction of Kentucky & Virga., as far as the remaining
territory of the latter will lie thereon, be
concurrent only with the new States on the opposite
Shore—that the proposed State shall take its due
share of our State debts—and that the separation
shall not take place unless these terms shall be
approved by a Convention to be held to decide the
question, nor untill Congs. shall assent thereto, and
fix the terms of their admission into the Union. The
limits of the proposed State are to be the same with
the present limits of the district. The apparent
coolness of the Representatives of Kentucky as to
a separation since these terms have been defined
indicates that they had some views which will not be
favored by them. They disliked much to be hung
up on the will of Congress.

I am Dr Sir with the highest esteem and
unfeigned regard Yr. Obedt. & hble. Servt.