The writings of James Madison, comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed. |
| II. |
TO MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE. |
 | The writings of James Madison, |  |
TO MARQUIS DE LAFAYETTE.
My Dear Sir,—Your favour of the 15th, continued
on the 17th of December came very slowly but finally
safe to hand. The warm expressions of regard which
it contains are extremely flattering to me; and the
more so as they so entirely correspond with my own
wishes for everything which may enter into your
happiness.
You have not erred in supposing me out of the
number of those who have relaxed their anxiety concerning
the navigation of the Mississippi. If there
be any who really look on the use of that river, as an
object not to be sought or desired by the United
States I cannot but think they frame their policy on
both very narrow and very delusive foundations. It
is true, if the States which are to be established on
the waters of the Mississippi, were to be viewed in the
same relation to the Atlantic States, as exists between
the heterogeneous and hostile Societies of Europe, it
might not appear strange that a distinction or even an
opposition of interests should be set up. But is it
true that they can be viewed in such a relation? Will
the settlements which are beginning to take place on
the branches of the Mississippi be so many distinct
societies, or only an expansion of the same society?
so many new bodies or merely the growth of the old
one? Will they consist of a hostile or a foreign
people, or will they not be bone of our bones and flesh
of our flesh? Besides the confederal band, within
connection be strengthened by the ties of friendship,
of marriage and consanguinity? ties which it may be
remarked, will be even more numerous between the
ultramontane and the Atlantic States than between
any two of the latter. But viewing this subject
through the medium least favorable to my ideas, it still
presents to the U. States sufficient inducements to insist
on the navigation of the Mississippi. Upon this
navigation depends essentially the value of that vast
field of territory which is to be sold for the benefit of
the common Treasury; and upon the value of this
territory when settled will depend the portion of the
public burdens of which the old States will be relieved
by the new. Add to this the stake which a
considerable proportion of those who remain in the
old States will acquire in the new by adventures in
land either on their own immediate account or that of
their descendants.
Nature has given the use of the Mississippi to those
who may settle on its waters, as she gave to the United
States their independence. The impolicy of Spain
may retard the former as that of G. Britain did the
latter. But as G. B. could not defeat the latter,
neither will Spain the former. Nature seems on all
sides to be reasserting those rights which have so long
been trampled on by tyranny & bigotry. Philosophy
& Commerce are the auxiliaries to whom she is indebted
for her triumphs. Will it be presumptuous to
say that those nations will shew most wisdom as well
as acquire most glory, who instead of forcing her
its tendency and to anticipate its effects. If the United
States were to become parties to the occlusion of the
Mississippi they would be guilty of treason against
the very laws under which they obtained & hold their
national existence.
The repugnance of Spain to an amicable regulation
of the Use of the Mississippi, is the natural
offspring of a System, which everybody but herself
has long seen to be as destructive to her interest as
it is dishonorable to her character. An extensive
desart seems to have greater charms in her eye than
a flourishing but limited empire, nay than an extensive
flourishing empire. Humanity cannot suppress
the wish that some of those gifts which she abuses
were placed by just means in hands that would turn
them to a wiser account. What a metamorphosis wd
the liberal policy of France work in a little time on
the Island of N. Orleans? It would to her be a fund
of as much real wealth as Potosi has been of imaginary
wealth to Spain. It would become the Grand
Cairo of the new World.
The folly of Spain is not less displayed in the
means she employs than in the ends she prefers. She
is afraid of the growth and neighbourhood of the U.
States, because it may endanger the tranquility of her
American possessions; and to obviate this danger
she proposes to shut up the Mississippi. If her prudence
bore any proportion to her jealousy she would
see, that if the experiment were to succeed, it would
only double the power of the U. States to disturb her,
it; she would see that the only offensive weapon
which can render the U. States truly formidable to
her is a navy, and that if she could keep their inhabitants
from crossing the Appalachian ridge, she
would only drive to the Sea most of those swarms
which would otherwise direct their course to the
Western Wilderness. She should reflect too that as
it was impossible for her to destroy the power which
she dreads, she ought only to consult the means of
preventing a future exertion of it. What are those
means? Two & two only. The first is a speedy
concurrence in such a treaty with the U. S. as will
produce a harmony, & remove all pretexts for interrupting
it. The second, which would in fact result
from the first, consists in favouring the extension of
their settlements. As these become extended the
members of the Confederacy must be multiplied, and
along with them the Wills which are to direct the
machine. And as the wills multiply, so will the
chances against a dangerous union of them. We experience
every day the difficulty of drawing thirteen
States into the same plans. Let the number be
doubled & so will the difficulty. In the multitude of
our Counsellors, Spain may be told, lies her safety.
If the temper of Spain be unfriendly to the views
of the U. States, they may certainly calculate on the
favorable sentiments of the other powers of Europe,
at least of all such of them as favored our Independence.
The chief advantages expected in Europe
from that event center in the revolution it was to
World. The commerce of the U. S. is advantageous
to Europe in two respects, first by the unmanufactured
produce which they export; secondly by the manufactured
imports which they consume. Shut up the
Mississippi and discourage the settlements on its
waters, and what will be the consequence? First, a
greater quantity of subsistence must be raised within
the ancient settlements, the culture of tobacco indigo
& other articles for exportation, be proportionably
diminished, and their price proportionably raised on
the European consumer. Secondly the hands without
land at home being discouraged from seeking it
where alone it could be found, must be turned in a
great degree to manufacturing, our imports proportionably
diminished, and a proportional loss fall on the
European Manufacturer. Establish the freedom of
the Mississippi, and let our emigrations have free
course, and how favorably for Europe will the consequence
be reversed. First the culture of every article
for exportation will be extended, and the price reduced
in favor of her consumers. Secondly, Our
people will increase without an increase of our Manufacturers,
and in the same proportion will be increased
the employment & profit of hers.
These consequences would affect France in common
with the other commercial nations of Europe;
but there are additional motives which promise the
U. States her friendly wishes and offices. Not to
dwell on the philanthropy which reigns in the heart
of her Monarch and which has already adorned his
to the situation into which a controversy between his
antient and new Allies would throw him, nor to the
use which would be made of it by his watchful adversary.
Will not all his councils then be employed
to prevent this Controversy? will it not be seen that
as the pretensions of the parties directly interfere, it
can be prevented only by a dissuasive interposition on
one side or the other, that on the side of the U. S.
such an interposition must, from the nature of things
be unavailing; or if their pretensions for a moment
be lulled they wd. but awake with fresh energy, and
consequently that the mediating influence of France
ought to be turned wholly on the side of Spain. The
influence of the French Court over that of Spain
is known to be great. In America it is supposed to
be greater than perhaps it really is. The same may
be said of the intimacy of the union between the two
nations. If this influence should not be exerted, this
intimacy may appear to be the cause. The United
States consider Spain as the only favorite of their
Ally of whom they have ground to be jealous, and
whilst France continues to hold the first place in their
affections they must at least be mortified at any appearance
that the predilection may not be reciprocal.
The Mississippi has drawn me into such length that
I fear you will have little patience left for anything
else. I will spare it as much as possible. I hear
nothing from Congress except that Mr.'Jay has accepted
his appt. and that no successr. has yet been
chosen to Dr. Franklyn. Our Legislature made a
Virginia to the Treasy." of the U. S. and very extensive
provision for opening our inland navigation. * * *[30]
Whether they passed an act for paying British debts
or not they do not know themselves. Before the bill
for that purpose had got through the last usual forms,
the want of members broke up the House. It remains
therefore in a situation which has no precedent, &
without a precedent lawyers & legislators are as much
at a loss as a mariner without his compass.
The subjects in which you interested yourself were
all referred to the Executive with power to do what
I hope they will do better than the Assembly. I
understood before I left Richmd. that you wd. receive
officially from the Govr. a copy of the Resolutions
which I sent you. I recd. a letter a few days ago from
Mr. Mercer, written in the bosom of wedlock at Mr.
Sprigg's; another at the same time from Monroe,
who was well at New York. I have nothing to say
of myself but that I have exchanged Richmond for
Orange, as you will have seen by the above date;
that I enjoy a satisfactory share of health; that I
spend the chief of my time in reading, & the chief of
my reading, on Law; that I shall hear with the
greatest pleasure of your being far better employed;
& that I am, with most affect.
| The writings of James Madison, | |