University of Virginia Library

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Dear Sir,—In pursuance of the plan intimated in
my last I came to this city about three weeks ago,
from which I continued my trip to New York. I returned
last night and in a day or two shall start for
Virginia. Col. Monroe had left Philada. a few days
before I reached it, on his way to a treaty to be held
with the Indians about the end of this month on the
Wabash. If a visit to the Eastern States had been
his choice, short as the time would have proved, I
should have made an effort to attend him. As it is
I must postpone that gratification, with a purpose
however of embracing it on the first convenient opportunity.
Your favour of the 11 May by Monsr.
Doradour inclosing your Cypher arrived in Virga.
after I left it, and was sent after me to this place.
Your notes which accompanied it, remained behind,
and consequently I can only now say on that subject,
that I shall obey your request on my return, which
my call to Richmond will give me an early opportunity
of doing. During my stay at New York I had
several conversations with the Virga. Delegates, but
with few others, on the affairs of the confederacy. I
find with much regret that these are as yet little redeemed
from the confusion which has so long mortified
the friends to our national honor and prosperity.
Congress have kept the Vessel from sinking, but it
has been by standing constantly at the pump, not by
stopping the leaks which have endangered her. All
their efforts for the latter purpose have been frustrated

by the selfishness or perverseness of some part
or other of their constituents. The desiderata most
strongly urged by our past experience & our present
situation are 1. a final discrimination between such
of the unauthorised expences of the States as ought
to be added to the common debt, and such as ought
not. 2. a constitutional apportionment of the common
debt, either by a valuation of the land, or a
change of the article wch requires it. 3. a recognition
by the States of the authority of Congress to enforce
payment of their respective quotas. 4. a grant
to Congress of an adequate power over trade. It is
evident to me that the first object will never be effected
in Congress, because it requires in those who
are to decide it the spirit of impartial judges, whilst
the spirit of those who compose Congress is rather
that of advocates for the respective interests of their
constituents. If this business were referred to a
Commission filled by a member chosen by Congress
out of each State, and sworn to impartiality, I should
have hopes of seeing an end of it. The 2d. object affords
less ground of hope. The execution of the 8th
art of Confederation is generally held impracticable,
and R. Island, if no other State, has put its veto on
the proposed alteration of it. Until the 3d. object can
be obtained the Requisitions of Congress will continue
to be mere calls for voluntary contributions,
which every State will be tempted to evade, by the
uniform experience that those States have come off
best which have done so most. The present plan
of federal Government reverses the first principle of
all Government. It punishes not the evil-doers, but
those that do well. It may be considered I think as
a fortunate circumstance for the U. S. that the use of
coercion, or such provision as would render the use
of it unnecessary, might be made at little expence and
perfect safety. A single frigate under the orders of
Congress could make it the interest of any one of the
Atlantic States to pay its just Quota. With regard
to such of the Ultramontane States as depend on the
trade of the Mississippi, as small a force would have
the same effect; whilst the residue trading thro' the
Atlantic States might be wrought upon by means
more indirect indeed but perhaps sufficiently effectual.
The fate of the 4th object is still suspended. The
Recom̃endations of Congs. on this subject past before
your departure, have been positively complied
with by few of the States I believe; but I do not learn
that they have been rejected by any. A proposition
has been agitated in Congress, and will I am told be
revived, asking from the States a general & permanent
authority to regulate trade, with a proviso that
it shall in no case be exercised without the assent of
eleven States in Congress. The Middle States favor
the measure, the Eastern are zealous for it, the
Southern are divided.[41] of the Virginia delegation the
president[42] is an inflexible adversary, Grayson unfriendly
and Monroe & Hardy warm, on the opposite
side. If the proposition should pass Congs. its fate
will depend much on the reception it may find in
Virga. and this will depend much on the part which
may be taken by a few members of the Legislature.
The prospect of its being levelled agst. G. Britain will
be most likely to give it popularity. In this suspence
of a general provision for our commercial interests,
the more suffering States are seeking relief from partial
efforts which are less likely to obtain it than to
drive their trade into other channels, and to kindle
heart-burnings on all sides. Massachusetts made the
beginning, Penna has followed with a catalogue of
duties on foreign goods & tonnage, which could
scarcely be enforced against the smuggler, if N. Jersey,
Delaware, & Maryland were to co-operate with her.
The avowed object of these duties is to encourage
domestic manufactures, and prevent the exportation
of coin to pay for foreign. The Legislature had
previously repealed the incorporation of the bank, as
the cause of the latter & a great many other evils.
S. Carolina I am told is deliberating on the distresses
of her commerce and will probably concur in some
general plan; with a proviso, no doubt against any
restraint from importing slaves, of which they have
received from Africa since the peace about twelve
thousand. She is also deliberating on the emission
of paper money, & it is expected she will legalize a
suspension of Judicial proceedings which has been already
effected by popular combinations. The pretext
for these measures is the want of specie occasioned by
the unfavorable balance of trade. Your introduction
of Mr. T. Franklin has been presented to me. The
arrival of his Grandfather has produced an emulation
among the different parties here in doing homage to
his character. He will be unanimously chosen
president of the State and will either restore to it an
unexpected quiet or lose his own. It appears from
his answer to some applications that he will not decline
the appointment. On my journey I called at Mount
Vernon & had the pleasure of finding the Genl. in
perfect health. He had just returned from a trip up
the Potowmac. He grows more & more sanguine as
he examines further into the practicability of opening
its navigation. The subscriptions are compleated
within a few shares, and the work is already begun at
some of the lesser obstructions. It is overlooked by
Rhumsey, the inventor of the boats which I have in
former letters mentioned to you: He has not yet
disclosed his secret. He had of late nearly finished a
boat of proper size, wch. he meant to have exhibited,
but the house which contained it & materials for others
was consumed by fire. He assured the Genl. that the
enlargement of his machinery did not lessen the
prospect of utility afforded by the miniature experiments.
The Genl. declines the shares voted him by
the Assembly, but does not mean to withdraw the
money from the object which it is to aid, and will
even appropriate the future tolls I believe to some
useful public establishment if any such can be devised
that will both please himself & be likely to please
the State. This is accompanied by a letter from our
amiable friend Mrs. Trist to Miss Patsy. She got
back safe to her friends in Augst. & is as well as she
has generally been, but her cheerfulness seems to be
rendered less uniform than it once was by the scenes
of adversity through which fortune has led her. Mrs.
House is well & charges me not to omit her respectful
& affecte compliments to you.