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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
  
  
  
 II. 
  

  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
  
TO EDMUND PENDLETON.
  
  
  
  

TO EDMUND PENDLETON.

MAD. MSS.

My Dear Sir,—The period since my last has
afforded such scanty materials for a letter that I have
postponed it, till I have now to thank you for yours


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of the 7th inst: which came to hand two days ago.
I always feel pleasure in hearing from you, but particularly
when my concern for your doubtful health is
relieved by such an evidence in its favor. At the
same time I must repeat my wishes to forego this
pleasure whenever it may interfere with the attention
which you owe to your ease, your business, or your
other friends.

I do not learn that any symptoms yet appear of a
return of the insurgent spirit in Massts. On the
contrary it is said that the malcontents are trying
their strength in a more regular form. This is the
crisis of their elections, and if they can muster sufficient
numbers, their wicked measures are to be sheltered
under the forms of the Constitution. How
far their influence may predominate in the current
appointments is uncertain, but it is pretty certain
that a great change in the rulers of that State is
taking place, and that a paper emission, if nothing
worse, is strongly apprehended. Governor Bowdoin is
already displaced in favor of Mr. Hancock, whose
acknowledged merits are not a little tainted by a dishonorable
obsequiousness to popular follies. A great
change has also taken place in the Senate, and a still
greater is prognosticated in the other branch of the
Legislature.

We are flattered with the prospect of a pretty full
and very respectable meeting in next month. All
the States have made appointments except Connecticut
Maryland, & Rh. Island. The last has refused.
Maryland will certainly concur. The temper of


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Connecticut is equivocal. The turn of her elections
which are now going on, is said to be rather unpropitious.
The absence of one or two States however
will not materially affect the deliberations of the
Convention. Disagreement in opinion among those
present is much more likely to embarrass us. The
nearer the crisis approaches, the more I tremble for
the issue. The necessity of gaining the concurrence
of the Convention in some system that will answer
the purpose, the subsequent approbation of Congress,
and the final sanction of the States, presents a series
of chances, which would inspire despair in any case
where the alternative was less formidable. The
difficulty too is not a little increased by the necessity
which will be produced by encroachments on
the State Constitutions, of obtaining not merely the
assent of the Legislatures, but the ratification of the
people themselves. Indeed if such encroachments
could be avoided, a higher sanction than the Legislative
authority would be necessary to render the laws
of the Confederacy paramount to the acts of its
members.

I enclose a late Act of Congress, which will shew
you the light in which they view and inculcate a
compliance with the Treaty of peace. We were not
unaware of the bitterness of the pill to many of our
countrymen, but national considerations overruled
that objection. An investigation of the subject had
proved that the violations on our part were not only
most numerous and important, but were of earliest
date. And the assurances on the other part are


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explicit that a reparation of our wrongful measures
shall be followed by an immediate and faithful execution
of the Treaty by Great Britain.

Congress are at present deliberating on the most
proper plan for disposing of ye Western lands, and
providing a criminal and civil administration for the
Western settlements beyond the Ohio. The latter
subject involves great difficulties. On the former
also opinions are various. Between 6 & 7,00,000
Acres have been surveyed in Townships & are to be
sold as soon as they shall be duly advertised. The
sale was at first to have been distributed throughout
the States. This plan is now exchanged for the
opposite extreme. The sale is to be made where
Congs sits. Unquestionably reference ought to have
been had in fixing on the place, either to the Center
of the Union or to the proximity of the premises.
In providing for the unsurveyed lands, the difficulty
arises from the Eastern attachmt. to townships & the
Southern to indiscriminate locations. A Copper
coinage was agreed on yesterday to the amount of
upwards of two hundred thousand dollars, 15 per
Ct. is to be drawn into the federal Treasury from this
operation.

Our affair with Spain is on a very delicate footing.
It is not easy to say what precise steps would be
most proper to be taken on our side, and extremely
difficult to say what will be actually taken. Many
circumstances threaten an Indian war, but the certainty
of it is not established. A British officer was
lately here from Canada, as has been propagated, but


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not on a mission to Congress. His business was
unknown, if he had any that was important.

I am extremely concerned, though not much surprised
at the danger of a paper emission in Virginia.
If Mr. H. shd. erect the standard he will certainly be
joined by sufficient force to accomplish it. Remorse
and shame are but too feeble restraints on interested
individuals agst unjust measures, and are rarely felt
at all by interested multitudes.

Wishing you all happiness I remain Dear Sir
Your affecte humble servant