University of Virginia Library

2. CHAPTER II.
A MIDNIGHT CONSPIRACY.

On the left bank of the Potomac, a few miles distant from
the Federal City, at the still hour of midnight, some two
hundred men were assembled under a gigantic sycamore.

They were all armed. Save the low hum of earnest voices,
a profound silence brooded over the scene. The canopy
above was radiant with stars, and ever and anon a shooting
meteor traversed the heavens with its dissolving light.

“Gentlemen,” said one of the watchers, who seemed to
be the leader, “if we succeed in this enterprise we shall be
the fixed lights of the age, like the stars; if we fail, we
shall be merely ephemeral scintillations, fading into utter
darkness, leaving no enduring rays of glory behind. If
there be one present, therefore, whose heart is not decided,
let him depart.”

No one moved during the pause that ensued. Then a
simultaneous clapping of hands followed, in token of the
unanimity of sentiment and purpose which prevailed.

“We will succeed or die,” was uttered by nearly all
present.

“Success or Death, shall be the watchword,” said the
first speaker.

“But, General,” said the Hon. Mr. Steel, who stood on
the General's left, enveloped in a cloak, “do you think
there will be serious resistance on the part of the President?
He is a Southern man.”

“Unquestionably! It is true he is a Southern man—but
he is also the President.”

“Not of the United States!” said the honorable gentleman.

“Not now — not by a great deal!” responded many
voices.

“That's to be tested, gentlemen,” said General Crook,
the leader of the band. “I know Randolph's character.
He is Southern by birth, and cannot be Northern by inclination
or interest. He believes the Constitution a sufficient
protection for both sections, and he does not intend to relinquish
it. Without regarding him either as a friend or
an enemy, our purpose is to possess ourselves of that portion
of the archieves, and of the arms and treasure, to which
our section is justly entitled, at all hazards, and at any
sacrifice. You have chosen me your leader, and I have undertaken
to perform the service. The only regret I feel is,
that the men I am to command are not all Southerners.
One half are from the North, as I learn, and many of them
have been the followers of General W. The difficulty will

be in restraining them. They are brave, no doubt; but it
is to be feared they are actuated too much by the hope of
immediate reward, and too little by considerations of patriotic
devotion. But no matter. I am an Alabamian, and
this is an enterprise in behalf of the South. The paramount
object is, to strike a blow—a terrible blow—which will be
retorted by the other side, and render compromise, reconciliation,
and reunion impracticable. For many years I
have longed for an opportunity such as this. The South
will throw off her degrading vassalage. We shall have
great cities and fleets, and factories of our own.”

“But we are almost naked, and will soon be hungry,”
said a swarthy and gigantic individual, named Bim, a New
Yorker, and a leader of a club of one hundred, whose arrival
was momentarily expected. “I bargained for a share
of defunct Uncle Sam's treasure.”

“Your services shall be recompensed, Jack Bim, according
to contract. You shall have everything promised; but
you must receive it from the paymaster, not seize it. And
everything, you know, was to depend upon success.”

“Success is certain,” observed the Hon. Mr. Steel.

“I hope so,” replied the General. “Nevertheless, we
should not expect a triumph without blows given and received.
The steamer now nearly due, will land eight hundred
men, and six or eight pieces of artillery. We shall
have one thousand against I know not how many on the
side of the President. Small detachments of troops and
marines have been daily arriving in Washington from different
quarters. Such is my information. But I hope he can
have no intelligence of this expedition. We will fall upon
him suddenly—by ten o'clock to-morrow, at the latest—
and in the consternation of the moment, our purpose must
be accomplished. Who goes there?—stop that man!”

A tall individual enveloped in a long frock coat, was observed
gliding out from under the branches of the tree.

“Who are you?” demanded the General, when the person
was brought before him.

“Wiry Willy,” was the response.

“And pray who is Wiry Willy? Be careful what you
say. If I deem you a spy, I shall order a bowie-knife to
your throat, to avoid the report of gunpowder.”

“Willy's a friend—Willy's everybody's friend. Why,

General, Willy was only going out yonder on the grass to
get you a horse. Generals ought to have horses, and white
ones too.”

“It is a half-witted fellow; I know him very well,” said
the Hon. Mr. Steel. “He used to bore me in behalf of an
old clerk who had been removed, and with whose daughter
he was in love.”

“Mary Penford,” said Wiry Willy, turning towards the
ex-member, “is old John Penford's grand-daughter. If
you'll listen, I'll tell you the whole story, and all about
General Ruffleton's conduct, too. General Ruffleton's a
villain; and as he's to be the general on the other side, of
course I'll fight under General Crook.”

“Enough,” said the General. “I will trust you. General
Ruffleton, I learn, intends really to organize a rabble
army in the North, on his own responsibility, and, I presume,
for his own aggrandizement; and, truly, I see a white
horse yonder. Secure him for me, Willy.”

Wiry Willy vanished instantly, and in a few brief moments
returned, leading the horse.

“General,” said he, “may I have leave of absence till I
can find you a saddle and bridle?”

“Yes, Willy.” Then turning and addressing the gentlemen
nearest him, the leader said: “President Randolph
possesses the greatest mind and the bravest heart in America.
He was born on Southern soil, and when the Federal
Chair is engulfed in destruction, he will join us, and be our
commander-in-chief. Therefore, I desire it to be made
known to every man who shall march with me to-morrow,
that under no circumstances is the President to be slain. A
magnificent reward will be paid those who may capture
him; but he who kills him shall be hung. Does this proposition
meet your approbation, gentlemen?”

“It does,” was the unanimous reply.

A moment after the steamer hove in sight, and the whole
party moved down to the brink of the water.

As for Wiry Willy, instead of approaching any of the
country houses to obtain a bridle and saddle for the General,
he glided through the bushes in the vicinity, until his
ear was saluted by a low whinny, and turning to the left, he
placed his hand on a black pony, which he mounted. He
proceeded at an easy pace until he emerged into a well-beaten

road, and then, plying his hickory switch, seemed to
fly upon the wings of the wind.

During the same solemn hour of midnight, the great east
room of the presidential mansion was as brilliantly illuminated
as it had ever been on any former occasion. President
Randolph, with folded arms, promenaded slowly to
and fro with measured and deliberate step. His cabinet
ministers sat round a table, under the full glare of an immense
chandelier. Other groups were scattered in different
parts of the large saloon, either silent or conversing in
suppressed tones, as if awed by the majestic brow of the
chief executive. The President, though slightly stricken
in years, betrayed none of the infirmities of age. Of middle
stature, and erect frame—an eye that seemed to penetrate
the thoughts of all—a commanding mien, and features
indicating firmness of purpose and decision of character, no
one living, perhaps, was better qualified to inspire the respect
and win the confidence of mankind. Vigilant and
indefatigable in his incessant labors—endowed by his Creator
with the highest gifts of genius, and his mind improved
by the attainment of every species of knowledge imparted
by books, or derived from association with the best intellects
of his country, he had merited and received the suffrages
of a majority of his fellow-citizens for the high position
he then occupied, and he resolved not to abandon it
until satisfied that such was the will of those who had exalted
him.

The folding-doors were thrown open, and there entered
from the great hall, the diplomatic representatives of all
the nations, followed by some forty Senators and members
of the House, who still lingered in the Federal City.

“My Lords and Gentlemen of the Diplomatic Corps, and
Senators and Representatives of the States and the People,”
said the President, when encircled by that distinguished
auditory, “I have desired your presence for a brief interval,
at this unseasonable hour, because I felt quite certain
that the request would be granted with alacrity, and that
the extraordinary event which has just transpired would
render any apology unnecessary for the temporary inconvenience
to which you would be subjected. And yet, my
Lords and Gentlemen, I should not have imposed this trouble
upon you, if I had not been advised of the destruction

of the telegraphic wires leading from the different points
of the country to this city. I understand that many of
you have it in contemplation to depart presently from this
seat of government, and I have deemed it my duty to see
that you shall be provided with authentic information of a
portion, at least, of the purposes of the Chief Executive.
It is, then, to be distinctly understood, that, although the
Legislative Department has seen proper to indulge in an
abrupt and an irregular abandonment of its duties, the
Executive and Judicial Functionaries will remain intact,
and endeavor to fulfil the obligations imposed by the
solemn oath they have taken to support the Constitution
of the United States. On my part, there shall be no recognition
of a dissolution of the Union. The means at my
command, to maintain the position I have indicated, will
be apparent when the emergency shall arise for their
employment. My Lords and Gentlemen of the Diplomatic
Corps, you are aware that the Constitution forbids any
State making treaties, or maintaining direct diplomatic
correspondence with foreign powers. You will therefore
excuse me when I say, that in pursuance of my duty as
the Chief Magistrate of the Federal Union, I shall hold to
a strict accountability any parties that may attempt an
infraction of that provision of the fundamental instrument
of this government. This information, my Lords and
Gentlemen, I deemed it necessary to impart in this informal
manner, because of the peculiar exigencies existing
at the present moment.”

The President having been bowed to repeatedly during
the delivery of his speech, made, at its termination, a very
emphatic bow himself.

But the Lords and Gentlemen were not quite satisfied
to be dismissed in so summary a manner; and, to prolong
the audience, which seemed fraught with much interest
to them, they lingered for many minutes, and
stammered out numerous protestations of respect for the
distinguished functionary, whom they really supposed to
have been effectually despoiled of his power, and diplomatic
assurances of high consideration, etc., etc.

And when the foreign gentlemen had finally taken their
departure, the President, resuming the frank and social demeanor
among his own countrymen, for which he was so

justly celebrated, mingled cheerfully and even gaily among
his personal friends, precisely as he had been in the habit
of doing when no cause of alarm existed.

“I think,” said he, “that those agents of the great monarchical
powers, instead of enjoying a scramble for the
fragments of a shattered empire, may find that we have
still a government, both de facto and de jure. My friends,”
he continued, in a more serious tone, “and my enemies—
if there be any such present—I would impress upon your
minds, before you return to your respective homes, that
I still regard the Federal Constitution as the paramount
authority. I have sworn to defend it—and I do not doubt
my ability to do so. I could not prevent a dissolution of
Congress, and perhaps, my proclamations, calling the members
together again, may long be disregarded. I believe I
have no legal power of forcing a compliance. But what
then? Cannot the government exist in the absence of
Congress? Has it not done so, at least one half the time,
since its creation? Depend upon it, gentlemen, it will continue
to exist, whatever the disorganizers and traitors may
do. I shall collect the revenue. I may not disburse it
without appropriations by Congress; but I will keep it
in safety, and issue audited certificates of dues. If I cannot
increase the army, I may call out the militia. I
shall make appointments and removals, as usual, in the
civil service. In short, gentlemen, I doubt not I shall administer
the affairs of the people quite satisfactorily. Therefore,
I beg that it may be made known to the Quixotic
Disunionists, North and South, that the Federal Government
does not intend to succumb until its abandonment
is decreed by the people. Whenever a majority of all
the voters of the United States shall demand a relinquishment
of my functions, I will then be absolved from my
oath—and not till then. A moment, gentlemen,” he
added, stepping aside, on beholding Wiry Willy standing
a few paces apart. Glancing over the few lines handed
him by Wiry Willy, his eagle eye sparkled with animation,
and a joyous smile, for an instant, illuminated his
expressive features. “Breathe it to no one, sir,” said he,
in a whisper.

“Not even to Mary, sir? She would listen to that,
and it might save her grandfather's life.”

“To no one before nine o'clock. There!” he continued,
writing two words with his pencil on Willy's scrap of
paper, “take this to General Valiant, and then go to bed.”

“My friends,” he continued, resuming his position, “I
have, I believe, communicated everything I had intended
to say. There are other matters of great moment, I must
not reveal. Those who shall adhere to me, will, I think,
be on the side of the people. But enough of this. I have
only to add, that those who do not intend to abide permanently
at the Capital, would do well to leave it immediately
—even by the trains that depart before the dawn of day—
else, from the information in my possession, they may be
liable to molestation on the road.”

These words produced a most wonderful commotion.
They were hardly uttered before a general dispersion commenced.
Many rushed away without even taking leave of
the President; but others, with tears, assured him that they
would, if necessary, perish in the maintenance of his
cause.

The President's brow, however, exhibited a most terrible
expression upon witnessing the withdrawal of the
Secretary of State, from the North, and of the Postmaster
General, from the South.

“I desire not one word of explanation, gentlemen. Go!
I am not at all surprised. Yesterday you professed to be
my friends. I doubted it, but could not deny it. If you
should become my enemies, all I ask is a candid avowal of
it at the time of the decision.” Saying this, he not only
bowed them out, but closed the door behind them with his
own hands.

All had departed but five faithful confidential advisers of
the President, the two Blounts, and Mr. Langdon. The
President taking each of the Senators by the arm, and
beckoning Henry Blount to follow, led them into the embrasure
of one of the Southern windows, where the lawn
and the distant river were made visible by the rising moon.

“How peaceful the scene!” said he, “but, alas! how soon
the scene may be changed!”

“That does not seem so peaceful,” remarked the younger
Blount, perceiving some workmen not far distant, throwing
up the earth with spades. “And there are cannon,” he
added, “commanding the avenue.”

“A precaution,” said the President. “The whole country
may be one battle-field; and there must be many bloody
conflicts here before the Federal Government can be overthrown.”

“It is already destroyed, sir,” said the elder Blount,
“and no one can reconstruct it. Come with us South, and
you may be our President still.”

“Better come North,” said Mr. Langdon, “for the most
ultra fire-eaters have denounced you.”

“Neither North nor South, gentlemen, until sufficient
force can be brought to drive me from my constitutional
entrenchment.”

“And that might not be so difficult a matter,” rejoined
Mr. Langdon. “More than once I have heard Crook,
from Alabama, declare that with one thousand men he
would take possession of the government, capture the President,
and bear away the arms and munitions from the
arsenal.”

The President, after a momentary but penetrating glance
at the speaker, turned to the younger Blount, and asked
his opinion.

“You will be safe. You have a heavy purse—it is said
twenty millions—and that will command the sword. I
know of no place of greater security. It may be the only
neutral ground. And if Mr. Langdon persists in his objections—”

“I do, Henry. I will not consent for Edith to go
South, until it is first ascertained that she may do so with
safety.”

“Gentlemen,” interposed the President, “it was in relation
to this very thing that I desired to see you. For the
sake of gratifying the dearest wish of my daughter Alice,
if you are not permitted, politically, to accord any favor to
the President, I have to beg that you will permit Edith to
be a cherished guest in this mansion until the dangers we all
anticipate shall have passed away. It will not be a great
many months before the tempest will have expended itself,
and then there will be a resuscitation of the Union—”

“Never!” said the elder Blount.

“I fear the broken bowl can never be mended,” said Mr.
Langdon.

“I think differently,” pursued the President. “It will

be like the rupture of lovers. Men do not sometimes appreciate
a blessing until it is apparently lost, or at least in peril.
The glorious traditions of the past, wherein a common
ancestry mingled their tears and blood in a common cause;
the fame of Washington, and Jefferson, and Adams, and
Hancock; the renown achieved at Bunker Hill, at Princeton,
at Trenton, and Yorktown; our gigantic dimensions as
a nation of thirty millions of freemen and the consideration
we inspire throughout the civilized world—can all these be
sacrificed at the demand of the ephemeral factions always
incident to a republic? No. Believe it not.”

“But I do not admit them to be factions,” said the elder
Blount. “They are sections, and the difference irreconcilable.”

“You err, sir,” continued the President. “The immediate
pretext for the dissolution of your co-ordinate branch
of the government, was merely the refusal of one section to
comply with a capricious, if not an arbitrary demand of the
other. And what was the resolution but an abstraction?
It might have been observed by a succeeding Congress and
it might have been repudiated. Sir, the Constitution is a
sufficient guarantee for both sections, and that I had sworn
to support. If a State had been repulsed from the Union
because a majority of its inhabitants desired to possess slave
property, that would have been the proper time for action.
If the Supreme Law had been violated, in defiance of the
intervention of the Executive and the Judiciary, and the
infraction had been sanctioned by the people of the stronger
section, then I should have been false to every principle of
honor and justice, if I had not cast my weight in the scale
of the weakest party, not only because it was the section of
my nativity, but because it was in the right, and menaced
with oppression. But such was not the case.”

“Would to God you had spoken thus in the Senate!”
exclaimed Mr. Langdon. “But now it is too late. The
majority of the Northern members have solemnly asseverated
that they will never permit the Southern people to
add another slave State to the Union.”

“I crave your pardon, gentlemen,” said the younger
Blount, interposing. “It was not the purpose, I believe,
either to discuss or to lament the past—”

“True, sir,” said the President. “In brief, then, is it

determined that these nuptials shall be celebrated to-morrow?”

“Quite,” said the younger Blount.

“And it is likewise decided that my daughter is not to
go Southward at present,” said Mr. Langdon.

“Neither must she go to the North,” said Henry Blount.

“Then she will remain here,” added the President,
“and, after the lapse of a few days, it will be a place of
security. As bride or maiden, you may trust her in my
keeping. Nevertheless, gentlemen, let the ceremony be
despatched as early in the morning as possible. I have a
reason for it.”

“Harry,” said Mr. Langdon, “do you acquiesce?”

“I do, sir. And, having consigned her to the protection
of the President, I shall, an hour afterwards, be on my way
to the Sunny South. If we meet no more, one, at least,
who knew me well, will mourn my fate. Sir,” he continued,
grasping the tendered hand of the President, “will you not
be present?”

“If possible—but it may not be possible. My daughter
will be with you. Let me see you again before you depart
from the city. Farewell!” The two Senators and Harry
withdrew immediately.