University of Virginia Library

20. CHAPTER XX.
NOCTURNAL VISITORS.

The hotel in which the President had taken lodgings was
opposite old Independence Hall.

After the guests in the great saloon had retired, the

attempted assassination induced General Valiant to adopt a
measure of precaution likely to deter others from venturing
on so hazardous an experiment. In the streets surrounding
the hotel, opposite its front, and in the square behind the
State House, he silently posted some 5,000 picked men, of
very quiet demeanor, but of reliable fidelity.

The President himself retired to his private parlor for
the transaction of business. His hours for rest were usually
between 3 and 10 o'clock A. M. After perusing a great
number of letters with inconceivable rapidity, and nothing
briefly the replies to be written by his Secretary the next
day, he rose from the table, and with folded arms promenaded
backwards and forwards as was his custom when
plunged in profound meditation. But he had not been
thus engaged many moments, before he heard the signal of
the doorkeeper announcing a visitor. He glanced at his
watch which lay upon the table, and seemed surprised that
any one should be approaching. Beside the watch was a
memorandum in pencil marks of his appointments; but full
twenty minutes remained before the time for the admission
of the first visitor.

“Ah! It is your fairy foot then!” said he, turning, and
seeing his daughter glide in.

“Light fantastic toe, father,” said Alice, pausing and
beckoning Edith, who lingered behind and hesitated to
enter.

“Come in—come one, come all!” said the President, in
his blandest tone and manner. “I have some minutes on
my hands for idle gossip,” he continued, giving each of the
girls an arm, and promenading round the room.

“Idle gossip!” said Edith. “What a word! But we
will not criticise it, for we did not mean to tarry.”

“Ay, you have no time to waste on one who never has
any leisure, save in such unseasonable hours as these. But
your errand. Is it to pardon the assassin? Freely he has
my forgiveness!”

“No, no, father!” said Alice. “We merely came to wish
you a hearty good-night, and to receive the kiss you
neglected in the saloon.”

“True, God bless you both”—said he, kissing them—
“and he will bless you. But stay. It may be necessary
for you, one or both, to see a certain visitor, who shall be

nameless, before the dawn of morning. Nay, do not stare
so, nor plead with mute lips for a solution of the mystery.
The individual—male or female, I say not which—may not
come, or, coming, may not demand—mind, I say demand
—an interview. I think, now, when summoned—if summoned—you
will be found with wakeful eyes. Adieu.”

The girls withdrew, wondering who this visitor could be,
and they had but just disappeared, when some one else was
announced by the doorkeeper. He came with a heavy
tread, and when the door was opened, the President beheld
his faithful Blue Cap, fighting Jack Bim, bearing in his arms
the almost inanimate Mary Penford.

“Bim! What is this? Why are you here?” demanded
the President, gazing at the poor girl, and at the bloody
hands and garments of the Sergeant.

“This is Miss Mary Penford, sir, that I've rescued from
General Ruffleton's people.”

“Is it possible? Poor child! That bold bad man—”

“I have not seen General Ruffleton, sir—it was his people.
They had just brought me to the city, when this brave man
rescued me.”

“I am glad it is no worse, Mary,” said the President,
ringing a bell. “Take this young lady to your mistress,” he
continued, to the chambermaid, a mulatto slave. “Relate
your story to Alice, Mary. You are now in perfect
security.”

“But poor Wiry Willy, when he finds out that they have
taken her away from his grandmother's,” said Bim, “will
be perfectly miserable.”

“That is probable,” said the President, “but it will not
last long. Do you be at the wharf, some two hours hence,
when the Wabash comes up the river—”

“Pardon me, sir, but the Wabash is now anchored—”

“The Wabash was anchored there, and will be again—
but at this moment she is down the river. Be there at the
time I have indicated, and you will see Willy, to whom you
can deliver your glad tidings. But, Jack, I'm afraid this
nighterrantry of yours will prove fatal on some desperate
occasion, and I shall lose a stout-hearted and strong-armed
guardsman. There are gashes on you now, and some of
them have bled pretty freely. Dress your wounds and
change your clothing before morning. Here is my purse.”

“Forgive me, Mr. President. It ain't pay-day—and I
have plenty of money.”

“Very well, sir. I will not question you as to the manner
in which your treasure was obtained—”

“From the wine vault of the roaring Rev. Mr. Fire's
abolition church, sir.”

“I have heard of no such robbery, Jack; and, remember,
I do not intend to learn anything in relation to it. But
have your wounds attended to.”

“Mere scratches, sir—only flea-bites.”

“And change your clothes.”

“I'd change my skin, sir, to please you!” responded Jack,
bowing and departing.

The President glanced again at his watch, and then put
the written list of expected visitors in his pocket. This had
hardly been done before the door opened, and Mr. Langdon
entered.

“Well, Langdon,” said the President, “it appears that
your Committee are averse to a Northern Confederacy.”

“And partial to the present Federal Executive. Every
one is surprised that you should have so many partisans in
the Convention.”

“None can be more gratified than myself to learn it,”
said the President.

“And the wonder is, how you should have contrived it.”

“Contrived it! No matter. You are convinced, then,
that I have a majority—no, perhaps not a majority—”

“I think a majority, Randolph; and my desire is to
know what you intend they shall do.”

“Nothing—nothing decisive. Be not precipitate. Try
the effect of a little `masterly inactivity.' There must be a
season of painful apprehension, and some suffering, or else a
rupture of the sections might be repeated. The second
revolt would be final and fatal.”

“But we are invaded! What remedy do you propose
for that?”

“It will cure itself. Crook and Steel have thrown themselves
between the Delaware and the Hudson, as Ruffleton
threw himself between the Susquehanna and the Potomac.
They will return to their own country with greater precipitation
than they left it.”

“I hope so. Then you would have no extreme measures

on the part of the Convention? But why need I ask? I
see plainly that whatever may be done will be in accordance
with your will.”

“That is conceding a great deal. But do we understand
each other? There are to be no separate Confederacies, at
least for the present, and until other remedies fail.”

“We agree in that. But shall we go on under the old
Constitution? And if not, what kind of an Executive are
we to have?

“Let us first save the Union. And that reminds me of
Edith. Blount will rise to the head of affairs some day—”

“When another's head lies low,” said Langdon, smiling.

“I am younger than you by twenty years. But why not
have this knot tied at once? Blount is a mere shadow, and
the great spirit within him cannot be roused.”

“It must be delayed.”

“Do you object to a meeting, and a reconciliation?”

“I would not desire it—nor would I oppose it.”

“Then Edith herself must decide.”

“Is Blount in the city?”

“No, sir.”

“Adieu.” Langdon, suffering from loss of rest, repaired
to his apartment.

The next visitor was a man in the prime of physical and
intellectual vigor, medium stature, dark hair mixed with
gray, and a lustrous, clear, and calm black eye. This was
General Hudson.

“Hudson, you are punctual to the minute,” said the
President, exhibiting his watch to his visitor.

“I was impatient, sir, to express my thanks to the one to
whom I was indebted for the distinction bestowed on me
by the Convention. Your friends—”

“No more of that, Hudson. You, I supposed, were an
adherent of the Union—”

“Supposed! You must have known it, Randolph.”

“Well. And I supposed you would remain so with the
sword in your hand.”

“It was a safe supposition. But I must fight this hotspur
Crook.”

“Yes—but not yet. Let him pass to the Hudson
river—”

“And intercept my communications?”

“Will you not intercept his? Will you not fall upon his
rear? And will he not be in an enemy's country?”

“You would have me, then, retire up the Hudson river,
or fall back towards the mountains, as Washington did,
when Cornwallis or Clinton invaded New Jersey?”

“Precisely. The example of Washington shall be cited
in the newspapers.”

“Crook's army and mine are nearly equal in numbers,
but his has the advantage of experience on the field of battle,
and the prestige of success.”

“I understand. But he is in an enemy's country, and
danger lurks in every bush. You must not destroy him—
only demoralize his army as he did Ruffleton's; and when
I interpose, you must cease the pursuit.”

“That is presupposing a victory, which would be ample
retaliation for the drubbing he dealt us at Bladensburg.”

“Exactly. It would be balancing accounts between the
North and the South. Both would be losers, and that,
you know, for you understand me, would be a striking
argument against dissolution.”

“But why let him penetrate so far as the Hudson?”

“I have Crook's pledge that he will not wreak his
vengeance on any but the Abolitionists, and it will do no
harm to demonstrate to these fanatics that they are liable
to be called to an account for the mischief they have
wrought. Hudson, you have often confessed that the
North was the aggressor in this quarrel of the sections.
The Southern people, besides the abuse and indignities they
have long endured, have been robbed by these pious philanthropists
of some $50,000,000. Such things should not
pass with impunity, and then they would cease. The South
does not even criticise the domestic policy of the Northern
people, much less attempt to deprive them of any portion
of their inheritance. The mischievous and wicked meddling
has been altogether on the part of the North. Not
the whole Northern people, or the case would be hopeless;
but a class of fools and traitors of just sufficient numbers
and influence to engender deadly prejudices between the
sections. A rebuke to these meddlesome fanatics will
afford as much gratification to the conservative and patriotic
citizens of the free States as any others.”

“That is true, sir! And if Crook would confine his

blows to them, I would rather assist than oppose him—were
it not indispensable that a Southern invader should be
driven from our soil.”

“Oh, you shall have a crop of laurels! But where are
your head-quarters?”

“At Trenton.”

“Very well. Keep your army out of his way for the
present, and let him dash forward.”

“But where is he now?”

“He is now marching towards the Raritan, and will
march all night. He will make a push for Jersey City—”

“What! And assail New York?”

“No matter what his design may be. I'll answer for it
that he does not cross over into the city. Were it not for
me, he would be revelling here.”

General Hudson looked at his watch, rose rather hastily,
and saying that he must be at his head-quarters before the
dawn, took leave of the President.

The next arrival was one not in the President's programme.
It was Mr. B—, the good friend of Senator
Langdon; and he had been permitted to pass the sentry on
the ground of having some very important intelligence to
communicate to the President.

“Excuse me, Mr. President,” said he, “for this unseasonable
visit. But I have received what I deem an important
letter from Burlington, which I will read to you. It is from
my friend, Mrs. Kinsey.” The letter stated that the head of
General Crook's army was passing through the town of Burlington,
New Jersey, in the direction of New York; that
the General had seized a train of burden cars, thrown off
the freight and put in its place his mortars and cannon;
that quite a number of Abolitionists had been made prisoners;
and finally, pursuit had been made after one of the
Banks, which escaped in a Tuckerton oyster wagon.

The President, of course, appreciated his zeal for the service,
and thanked Mr. B— very cordially. He had not
the heart to seem to have been already apprised of General
Crook's movement.

When Mr. B— retired, General Ruffleton was admitted.

“So, General, you are determined to try your fortune
again?” said the President, with a slight smile.

“I must retrieve my reputation, sir.”

“And you think that can be done on Southern soil?
Very well.”

“All I ask is that you will not interfere again, Mr. President.”

“I struck no blow at Bladensburg.”

“No; but we could not tell what moment you might
strike. Your manœuvre amounted to the same thing. It
was that which decided the day.”

“I will not be at Newcastle.”

“Nor any of your horses and cannon?”

“Neither.”

“Then I'll throw Blount into the river, or be food for
worms myself.”

“That is a matter, General, for your own consideration.
But why not unite your forces with Hudson's, and be revenged
on Crook and Steel?”

“I will not be the subordinate of Hudson.”

“That, then, is the reason. General, there is blood on
your ruffles. I hope no assassin has been trying experiments
on you.”

“I have been assailed in my own house, and by one of
Blount's creatures—”

“No, General.”

“Yes, Mr. President.”

“An assassin?”

“What else?”

“I will tell you what else, General Ruffleton!” said Randolph,
fixing his eagle gaze on the visitor, who quailed
under it. “It was one of my Blue Caps, sir, engaged in
the commendable duty of rescuing poor Mary Penford from
your infamous harem!”

“By George, then, it was one of your men!”

“Well.”

“Oh, you have learned the story. But the girl herself
will tell you that she had not seen me at all. I have no
harem, sir; and this assailant was altogether mistaken.”
Then with an awkward inclination of the head he departed.

A carriage rolled through the street, and stopped in front
of the hotel. Words were uttered which gave those within
it the privilege of access to the President; and soon

after two gentlemen, one very tall and erect, the other low
and corpulent, enveloped in cloaks, were admitted.

“I am glad to see you, gentlemen,” said Randolph, shaking
each of them by the hand. “But,” he continued, when
they were seated, “we must be brief, else the stars may
desert their posts. I rejoice, my lord, that you acceded to
my request; and you, Blount, have again ventured within
my power.”

“Go, where I will,” said General Blount, the slow Englishman
having no response in readiness, “it seems that I
cannot escape your power. It is almost without limit.”

“As for unlimited power, General,” said the President,
“none but women may wield it; and if you will enter yonder
anteroom, my daughter will, I think, at your request,
summon a divinity who can impose fetters on the stoutest
general.”

Blount entered the room indicated without a moment's
delay.

“I see there is partiality in your American hospitality,”
said his Lordship, looking after Blount. But the instant the
door closed, his manner changed. “And now, Mr. President,”
he continued, in a low, earnest, and rather hurried
voice, “I desire to make the utmost use of my time. My
overtures to the South were based upon a contingency
which I am apprehensive is not destined to happen. But I
have plenary powers to treat with you; and I am prepared
to stipulate for a loan of £20,000,000, a fleet of twenty-five
ships, and the junction with your forces of fifteen thousand
men from Canada.”

“And then, my Lord, what equivalent do you require?”

“Only some minor commercial advantages, and a government
of greater stability.”

“The head of which, no doubt, to be a British Prince?”

“No matter where the prince comes from, so the monarch
be of our race. We would be perfectly willing to maintain
the President on a throne. The object is to arrest the progress
of Republicanism, which menaces all the kingdoms
of the earth! Assume the crown, sir, and all the monarchies
will support you. You will be acknowledged by
every civilized government immediately. You can create
a peerage, making the Senators and their descendants

and other distinguished individuals, the Patrician order,
and—”

“Enough, sir,” said the President, emphatically. “If I
were desirous of wielding a sceptre, I should not seek the
approbation of the present crowned heads of Europe. That
would not be the way to retain it. Their intervention
would be of no benefit whatever. Therefore, my Lord, I
would urge you, by every consideration of policy, to refrain
from diplomatic correspondence with the contending sections,
as well as with the mediatorial central power, until
our internal difficulties are adjusted. These matters which
now engage our attention must be settled exclusively by
ourselves. They are affairs with which your government
can have no concern. As for myself—if I were capable of
betraying the trust reposed in me, I have millions of money
and arms, and men and ships in abundance. Therefore, my
Lord, our conference is ended.”

“Certainly, sir, on that subject. But, Mr. President, I
hope it will not be deemed unreasonable for me to demand
a release from this restraint imposed for obeying the instructions
of my government in tendering the alliance of Great
Britain to the Cotton States of the—”

“Union, you were about to say; and it would have been
a diplomatic blunder. But, my Lord, the demand would
be both unreasonable and impolitic.”

“If so, it is beyond my comprehension. Nevertheless,
Admiral Bang has found means to communicate with me,
and hostilities will certainly ensue unless you set me at
liberty immediately!”

“My Lord, you may easily perceive that the menace
does not affect my nerves. The means the Admiral found
to communicate with you, and you with him, were supplied
by myself. Moreover, an American ship will transmit the
tidings across the ocean to your government. My Lord, a
war with England is an alternative which I most particularly
desire; and I have taken the means to prevent our commercial
people from suffering by it. The vessels of our merchant
marine will be converted into vessels of war. For your
orders in council we will be prepared to retaliate with our
Berlin and Milan decrees. Your Lordship seems incredulous.
It is a case of necessity. I am sorry, however, to be compelled
to use a diplomatist of your distinction, when any

other subject of Her Majesty might have answered the purpose.
Our interview is at an end. General Blount is returning.
Your Lordship will oblige me by becoming the
guest of my daughter for a brief interval. Be seated, General,”
said the President, when his Lordship closed the door
of the anteroom, and vanished from view.