23. CHAPTER XXIII.
EXCITEMENT IN THE CONVENTION.
On the same day of the battle of Burlington, General
Ruffleton had attacked General Blount in the neighborhood
of New Castle. The forces were about equal in numbers,
but the Generals and the men engaged were unequal in the
qualities of skill and bravery. Blount's volunteers were
mostly the sons of Southern planters who fought for glory,
whilst those against whom they contended, in many instances,
struggled mainly for plunder. Blount gained a victory
over his assailant, at the expense of some five thousand men
on either side; and Ruffleton retired towards Philadelphia,
chagrined at the consciousness of a second defeat, but boiling
with rage, and intent on direful revenge. Blount did
not pursue the enemy, contenting himself with a successful
defence of Southern soil.
His army being encamped near Gray's Ferry, some two
or three miles from the city, General Ruffleton proceeded
with one or two attendants to his head-quarters opposite
Independence Square. The first thing that arrested his
attention on entering the city, was the illumination of a
great many buildings in the vicinity of Independence Hall,
where he learned the Convention was still in session. It
could not be popular exultation over his defeat, in a
Northern city—nor in celebration of Hudson's victory, for
the citizens of Pennsylvania had not been characterized for
their zeal in behalf of that General. But Ruffleton was not
long in doubt. He had many partisans and agents in the
city, who usually kept him advised of every occurrence
likely to be of interest. They filled his apartments as soon
as it was known he had arrived in the city; and then he
learned that the rejoicing was produced by the news from
Richmond. The Southern Convention had made a formal
rejection of the overtures of the British Government, and
had passed a resolution recalling General Crook from New
Jersey, and proposing terms of reconciliation with the
North.
Ruffleton was thrown into a great rage, and foamed at
the mouth. His friends could not pacify him, or mitigate
his fury, until, at length, he received information of the
arrival of Lord Slysir, whom Commodore Stout had
embraced the first opportunity—and for which he had long
been impatient—to set at liberty.
His Lordship, at the special request of Ruffleton, waited
upon the General at his lodgings.
“My Lord,” said Ruffleton, “the play of Disunion is not
ended yet!”
“The play, General? Why not say farce?”
“Because I prefer tragedy, my Lord. It would be a
farce, indeed, if it were brought to so lame and impotent a
conclusion as the adherents of Randolph in the two—yes,
in both of the Conventions—would have it. But I shall say
nay to that!”
“I would say nay, myself, if it would avail anything.”
“It would avail much. Aid us in dethroning King Cotton,
and we will share his dominions. If you do not uncrown
him, he will subjugate the world. Why not unite
with us?”
“I am prepared to do so whenever you are united among
yourselves. But the demonstrations in this city, on the receipt
of the news from Richmond, would lead one to suppose
that the North was languishing to be reunited with the
South.”
“Your Lordship will soon think differently. This infernal
city and State, and perhaps New Jersey, which runs down
beyond the Southern border, always have sympathized with
the slave States, and always will. Philadelphia is jealous of
New York, and New Jersey is fed by Southern travel.
We shall have the Convention in New York, and then its
action will be different.”
“But it will be too late! They tell me the Convention
will respond to the Richmond movement this very night.”
“Let them tell you what they please! They shall not
respond!”
“That is decisive language, at all events!”
“And it will be followed by decisive action! North of
the river Hudson, the whole country will soon be in a blaze
of indignation, that Crook should have been permitted to
transport his specie in safety to the Delaware shore. No,
my Lord! There will be no reconciliation! General Hudson
will be removed. I shall be the commander-in-chief.
And the Convention will be under my influence, instead of
this intriguing President's!”
“Convince me of this, and I will treat with you on such
a basis as will effectually prevent a readjustment of the
difficulties. I will stipulate to furnish in money ten millions
sterling, twenty steam frigates, and, if needed, fifty thousand
men. The equivalents—”
“Will be granted, if territory in a Southern clime, and
the emancipation of the slaves, will embrace all your
demands.”
“These will be quite sufficient, provided a stronger Government
or Governments, guaranteeing greater stability in
policy, be added.”
“Oh, if you will stand by me, the Government shall be
strong enough! My Lord, I have said enough. With the
aid of Great Britain, I will undertake to put an end to this
Republican Government!”
“Satisfy us of that, and most assuredly our aid will not
be withheld.”
“Then be patient, my Lord, and await events.”
“Very well, General. But there is not much time now
for patience. If the resolutions should pass the Convention,
our negotiations will be nipped in the bud.”
“They will not pass, my Lord.”
“Then, General, I take my leave, so that your time for
counteraction may not be interfered with. Adieu, till morning.”
When his lordship had gone, General Ruffleton rose up,
and gazed steadfastly at a large mirror.
“I see no change,” said he, “in the expression of my
face; and yet I am thinking of a bloody deed. My cheeks
have still their color, my brows are not knit together, and my
lips do not press against my teeth, as those are painted who
deliberately resolve to cut the thread of life! No; it is all
a lie! Blood is merely a highly colored fluid, whether it
flows from a calf or a man. The color is the same, and so
is the temperature. Then why should we be more horrified
at the one than the other? Popoli!” said he, rapping at a
closet door. “Signor,” he continued, when a dark-visaged
Italian came forth and confronted him, “the time we looked
for has arrived. You heard the promise made me. It was
his Lordship, the Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary
of her Britannic Majesty.”
“Ten millions sterling,” said the Italian.
“Yes. And it is nearly equal to fifty millions of dollars.”
“How much, General, shall Popoli and Cardini have?”
“When I receive it, you shall have ten thousand dollars
each—in addition to the sum originally named. Go then!
Lose not a moment. An hour going, an hour to —, and
an hour to return. Three hours hence I shall be master of
the new world. Go!”
“Three hours hence, and you may look for one of us,
with good news.” Saying this the dark Italian turned and
glided out of the door.
“Ha!” exclaimed Ruffleton, starting back on again beholding
his features in the glass. “I was premature! The
devil himself could not have presented a more savage
scowl! But the hue! Why so dark? It is the same
blood and the same surface. It must have been the impression
of the Italian's countenance daguerreotyped on the
retina. No matter! Summers,” he continued, throwing
open a door in the rear of the room, “come in. I want
you.” A fair-faced youth glided in at the door, and threw
his arm familiarly on the General's shoulder.
“I thought you had forgotten me, General,” said the
youth, almost reproachfully. “Here have I been caged
like some neglected bird, and fearful every moment of hearing
bad tidings from the battle-field! You must take me
with you next time.”
“Perhaps. But I am busy now. Go to Brigadier Balatrum
in the next building, and say I desire to see him immediately.
You need not return. But tell Mrs. Punt to
have refreshments in readiness when the clock strikes
twelve.”
Summers withdrew, and soon after General Balatrum
came in through the door cut in the partition wall.
“Balatrum,” said Ruffleton, “has your brigade arrived
in the city?”
“Yes, sir. The companies are dispersed so as not to attract
attention and create alarm. In ten minutes they could
be concentrated in the Square.”
“That is well. I may not have need of them; but if I
should desire to use them, can I rely upon their fidelity?”
“I will answer it with my head. They are your partisans
to a man.”
“I have treated them well, and hereafter will be more
liberal still. Let one of your officers attend me at Independence
Hall to-night, to receive and transmit the order,
if I find it necessary to issue it. Balatrum, you are bold, I
know. Nevertheless, the consequences of the action I
have in contemplation may be serious—”
“Fear me not, my General! If you should require it,
I would throw President Langdon out of the window!”
“I may require something of the kind, if nothing less
will suffice. Go, General, and promenade the Square.
Have with you one hundred men, in citizens' attire; and
when any members of the Convention go out among them,
let them not return.”
“You shall be obeyed. Shall they be despatched?”
“No—not necessarily—that is, if they be not refractory.
It is a dreadful thing to shed human blood! Nothing but
the most urgent necessity may justify it. And yet the best
of men, when treason stalks abroad, and the fate of millions
is suspended by a hair, may destroy a few lives to save a
great many. This would be patriotism. Remember my
words, Balatrum. Can you tell me why those rockets are
so continually sent up from the river?”
“The President's ships are rejoicing over the news from
Richmond. The rockets are answered by others at Randolph's
head-quarters. The President, they say, as well as
Hudson, and Crook, and Steel, are in high spirits. They
will visit the city to-morrow, and be received by the Convention.”
“Balatrum, you know the old adage?”
“A great many, General. But which do you allude
to?”
“This—The best laid schemes of men and mice aft gang
awry.”
“Ha! ha! Adieu, General.”
Ruffleton followed soon after, attended by a retinue of
aides. At the moment of his appearance in the Convention,
the members were considering a series of resolutions which
had just been reported. The speakers seemed to be all in
favor of an amicable response to the sentiments transmitted
by telegraph from Richmond, and Ruffleton began to
despair of the practicability of his scheme. Turning his
head aside, and whispering to a member from Massachusetts,
he asked if Crook had restored the money taken from
the city of New York. As if startled from a dream, the
member sprang to his feet, and put the question to the chairman
of the committee, who had the floor, and was urging
a prompt adoption of his resolutions. He seemed embarrassed,
and replied that he had no information on the subject.
And then a general awakening from the apparent
lethargy seemed to ensue among the most Northern members,
and a great deal of bitterness was expressed. Then an
amendment was proposed to the resolutions, and a vote demanded,
as a test question, and it was found that the report
and resolutions of the committee would probably be adopted
by a very small majority. When this was ascertained, General
Ruffleton had risen and gone into the lobby, where he
was surrounded by a number of his friends. A moment
after it was observed that several of the leading friends of
President Randolph, and among them the chairman of the
committee, were beckoned aside, and led out of the Hall,
on pretence of business, or important intelligence, by urgent
messengers. This produced a pause in the proceedings of
the Convention, supposed to be but momentary. But these
gentlemen did not return, as was expected. They were sent
for, but could nowhere be found.
In the meantime, Ruffleton resumed his seat, and the
opponents of the measure of the Committee on Federal
Relations renewed their opposition to the report and resolutions
with increased zeal and determination. They read
despatches from the New England States, to the effect that
any yielding on the part of the committee, or amicable
arrangement with the slave States, which did not make the
return of the money taken from New York by General
Crook a sine quâ non, would be repudiated with scorn by
the people.
At the end of the boldest speech of this character, the
member having the floor moved the previous question.
Great excitement ensued, and pages were seen running in
different directions in quest of the absent members. But
they did not return, and the measure of conciliation was lost.
It was during this scene that a member from Boston
rose in his place and demanded a vote on a resolution he
had offered in the morning, expressing the thanks of the
Convention to General Ruffleton for his zeal and bravery in
the cause of the Northern States. There being no opposition
to it, the resolution was adopted nemine contradicente.
Then the General himself, by the permission of the Convention,
rose up, and briefly, though with honied words,
returned his thanks for the expressions of confidence and
approbation contained in the resolution.
The applause that followed the speech could not be stifled
until the General rose to withdraw. But just when he was
on the eve of retiring from the Hall, a prodigious uproar
was heard in the street. Men were seen moving hastily to
and fro with consternation on their faces.
“What is the matter?” asked the President, turning to a
member.
“I have not heard,” was the reply. The member was
one of the partisans of Ruffleton.
“Move to adjourn,” pursued the President.
“No,” said the other. “It may be business requiring
action. And, Mr. President,” he continued in a whisper,
“if it be a matter demanded by the North, however, distasteful
to your Blount ears, it will be best not to throw any
obstacle in the way.”
“You are impertinent, sir,” said Mr. Langdon, re-adjusting
himself in his chair.
