University of Virginia Library

29. CHAPTER XXIX.
NEGOTIATIONS WITH RANDOLPH.

General Ruffleton's head-quarters were not more than
two miles distant from Randolph's. He was now in possession
of the chief command of the Northern army—the
largest body of armed men ever before collected on the
Continent, and its volume was swelling every hour by the
arrival of the enemies of the South and of slavery, from the
densely populated New England States.

The General-in-Chief was seated in a magnificent tent,
comprising many apartments. He was reading one of the
proclamations of the President. These documents were
nailed to the trees, the walls, and the telegraph posts. But
Ruffleton had no fear of the patriotic people.

“Summers,” said he, when his fair attendant appeared
before him, “say to his lordship that I have received important
intelligence, and would be glad to see him.” Summers
drew aside a gorgeous curtain and vanished. A moment
after Lord Slysir entered.

“I attend you, General,” said his Lordship, occupying the
seat at the table pointed to by Ruffleton.

“I have just learned,” said the General, with a triumphant
smile, “that all the prisoners taken by Crook at Bladensburg
are on the coast of Sussex county, Delaware, and
within sight of the British fleet. Now, your Lordship can
permit me to dispatch an order to Admiral Bang, for their
transference across the bay.”

“My dear sir,” said his Lordship, much startled, “have
you reflected that such a step would rupture our web of
diplomacy? Is it not determined that the release of these
prisoners is to be a conditio sine quá non in the prolongation
of the armistice? And as it would be impossible for
the demand to be granted, you know the retention of the
prisoners is to be the pretext and justification for a renewal
of hostilities.”

“That is all very true, my Lord, as it regards the negotiations;
but in point of fact, the escape of the prisoners
will not only be a personal triumph for myself, and gratifying
to the country, but it will serve as an indubitable manifestation
of the co-operation of Great Britain.”

“Unquestionably. It would be a most palpable demonstration;
a deliberate laying aside of the mask; it would
be, in short, a very bold initiative, and henceforth the identification
of Her Britannic Majesty with your cause would
be apparent to the whole world.”

“True. And does your Lordship hesitate to make it so?”

“By no means! But what would become of the requisition
for a release of the prisoners, after their escape had
been effected?”

“Neither Randolph nor Crook will know anything about
their escape until after the battle. If your lordship will
co-operate in this matter, well; if not—”

“I will write the order immediately. In two minutes
your messenger shall have it.” Saying this Lord Slysir,
overruled by the General, withdrew to his own apartment.

When this business was disposed of, Summers again
glided in, and announced the presence of a deputation of
Quakers. The committee was introduced, at the head of
which appeared the victim of General Crook, Samuel C—.

“Now, gentlemen,” said Ruffleton, “I have not a moment
to spare.”

“Thee should remember,” said Samuel, “that it is in
answer to the prayers of good philanthropists that this
mighty host has been gathered together for the liberation
of the enslaved.”

“Very well—grant all that. What next?”

“The Lord will surely prosper thee according to thy
merits. We have to say the spirit mourns over the violent
death of John Monmouth.”

“This is nonsense. Can you allege that I ordered or
sanctioned the act?”

“Thee still keeps Colonel Maller in thy employ. John
was one of our most worthy citizens, and his murder is
causing many people to slacken their zeal.”

“This is ill-timed, gentlemen, when, perhaps, we are on
the eve of a decisive battle. But why have you said nothing
about the assassination of General Hudson?”

“The hand which dealt the fatal blow on that good man,
has not been made manifest, as in the case of thy officer;
but still the spirit grieves. Yet other matters brought us
higher. We ask protection from thy soldiers. Wherever
they have passed over the land it is a waste—a desolation.
Our farms are destroyed, our smoke houses pillaged, and
our animals driven off.”

“The soldiers of Liberty must eat,” said Ruffleton.

“They have burned our fences—”

“And they must cook their victuals,” continued the
General. “But have they not receipted for everything?
All will be paid for.”

“And so they told our fathers during the revolutionary
war.”

“The country was poor then—it is rich now. Send us
your horses; and if you will not fight yourselves, your
shot guns.”

“Another grievance we have to complain to thee about,”
pursued Samuel, “is the tyrannical conduct of thy General
Balatrum, who forces our young people into the ranks of
his brigade, and swears, in vile language, that they shall
fight against the slave-driving Southerners, when our people
never did and never will lift a deadly weapon in mortal
strife.”

“Have not your people repeatedly said,” asked Ruffleton,
“that even if blood should cover the face of the earth, the
enslaved must be set free?”

“Thee quotes us correctly.”

“Then how is blood to flow without fighting? You say
the negro slave must be set at liberty, even if it costs oceans
of blood; but when the moment comes to strike for the
freedom of the slave, you are not willing to fight! Fools!
do you not know that slavery itself is the conclusion of conquest,
and that only those who fight can ever be masters?

Having stimulated a civil war, if you will not fight, depend
upon it, you will become the slaves of the uncompunctious
combatants!”

“Thee cannot terrify us. We may suffer, but we cannot
be made afraid. Another grievance is the conduct of thy
Colonel Maller in organizing a regiment of the free colored
people—”

“What! and you object to that, too?”

“Thee must know that these people, having been liberated
by our agents, are under our training, to become members
of our society.”

“But they are eager enough to fight! Come with me,”
said the General; “this is the hour I was to review them.
Colonel Maller will put them through their paces.”

Saying this he led the Quakers into a meadow where
there were a thousand negroes on parade.

The sun shone down from a cloudless sky, and the day was
the hottest of summer. The effects of the heat were soon
visible on the countenances of the General and the deputation
of Quakers; and the effluvium in the vicinity of the
negroes was so dense that they involuntarily retreated a
distance from the regiment.

“And such are the specimens of humanity,” said Ruffleton
to Samuel, “that you would put on an equal footing
with the white man! It was not their masters, but their
Maker that made them thus.”

“I agree with thee, General,” said Samuel, in a low voice,
turning aside his face.

“The d—l you do! And yet—”

“Pray do not speak so loud, General. But I tell
thee that I differ with our people about the quality of
races.”

And as they gazed at the sooty regiment, performing
their military exercises, several crows, that were flying over
the meadow, upon entering the deleterious atmosphere,
flapped their wings wildly, and fell to the earth quite dead.

“Thee is not aware, perhaps, General,” said Samuel,
“that the odor of the negro is fatal to crows. I have seen
them die from that cause several times.”

“I hope it may prove equally fatal to the enemy,” said
Ruffleton, abruptly dismissing the deputation and returning
to his tent.

He had Mr. Virus summoned. Mr. V. was his protegé
and dependent, an oleaginous lawyer, who, with the helping
hand of his patron, had graduated in all the courts, from
the lowest to the highest, making money, and finally achieving
that species of influence and importance which the notoriety
of success never fails to confer in large cities. He
was now the General's chief diplomatist—his Talleyrand—
and his services were to be immediately put in requisition.

“Virus,” said Ruffleton, “we understand each other.
I am to be the master of this new world, and you my chief
minister.”

“You will succeed, sir,” said Virus.

“If so, you will be the first in my confidence, and my
second in power. The service now required will test your
diplomacy. You will have to cope with Randolph, a man
of universal genius. The grand object of your mission is
to keep the Southern army on this side of the river until I
am ready to annihilate it, and all its allies and defenders. For
this purpose it will be necessary to meet Randolph, Crook,
and Blount, and disavow any authority to treat with either
of them separately. The demand for the restitution of the
specie must be urged, and restitution of the prisoners taken
at Bladensburg must be insisted on. The first, you know,
is impracticable, and the last will be obviated in a few hours.
Nevertheless these are secrets of which they are not to
suppose you can have any knowledge. The object is to
protract the truce until my arrangements are completed.
If, however, Randolph can be detached from his Southern
friends, we shall make speedy work of the latter. He has
now 25,000 splendid horse, and 75,000 well drilled infantry,
besides many cannon! Bring him and Crook in collision.
Why not? It seems to me that a skilful diplomatist
might produce a quarrel between Randolph and Crook.
What do you think?”

“With any other than Randolph, success would be certain.
Crook would quarrel, but—”

“Do your utmost. Blount is a listener—but terrible in
the field. Be plausible and conciliatory. We must not
forget the public, with whom Randolph has still some
influence. You may intimate to Randolph, that nothing
less than the total annihilation of the Southern armies, will
be likely to avert an alliance between the North and Great

Britain, which would result in universal emancipation and
the adoption of another form of Government. Tell him
that I, alone, have the ability to adjust amicably the affair
of the capture and detention of the British Minister. And
whatever they propose, whatever may be agreed on,
remember nothing is to be consummated. The object is to
protract the negotiations until I am in readiness to act.”

Virus, bearing a flag, was, an hour afterwards, conducted
to the head-quarters of Randolph, where Blount and Crook
joined the Conference.

“Well, sir,” said Randolph, “I see your General is not
inclined to pay attention to the President's Proclamation.”

“I assure you,” responded Virus, “he was attentively
perusing it when I left the head-quarters.”

“Oh, yes,” said Crook, “the President's messages are
read everywhere.”

“But who regards them?” added the President. “Let
us proceed to business, gentlemen; and, as you seem to
desire it, I will open the case. Here are we, the Southern
and the Federal armies, some two hundred thousand strong,
facing the Northern army of three, and perhaps soon to be
four hundred thousand men; and, what is worse, perhaps,
the parties of the first part have a broad river in their rear,
to attempt a passage of which, without the forbearance or
permission of the party of the second part, might subject
them to great sacrifices. In the next place, the parties of
the first part are desirous of withdrawing beyond the river,
and they await the announcement of the conditions imposed
by the party of the second part, to wit:”

“Now proceed, Virus,” said Crook, laughing heartily.

“By your leave, gentlemen,” said Blount, “I would ask
the negotiator, whether it is the purpose of his principal to
disavow the agreement signed by his predecessor.”

“I am glad the question is propounded,” said Virus:
“and am happy to say that General Ruffleton has not the
slightest purpose to annul any of the stipulations agreed to
by his lamented predecessor. But—”

“I thought there would be a but,” said Crook.

“But the Convention was not completed. It was not
ratified.”

“Are you prepared, then,” asked the President, “to reaffirm
the stipulations?”

“So far as I know them, I am.”

“It was mutually agreed,” said Randolph, “that the
Southern troops should be withdrawn from the free States,
and they were to be exempted from molestation by the
Northern army.”

“Very true,” said Virus; “and it remained only for the
Convention to ratify the agreement.”

“The Southern Convention,” said Blount, “had already
agreed to it, and actually instructed General Crook to retire
from New Jersey.”

“And,” said Crook, “the Northern Convention would
have responded affirmatively had it not been for the lobby
influence.”

“In the course of a day or two,” said Virus, “the Northern
Convention, now assembling in New York, will express
their sentiments. If I am not misinformed, however, it was
the expectation of the Convention that the contribution
levied in New York would be reimbursed.”

“To that I should make no objection,” said the President.

“We deem it but fair reprisal for a portion of the slave
property of which the South has been despoiled by the
abolitionists who have been harbored in New York,” said
Blount.

“And,” said Crook, “as that point has been deferred to
me; as I levied the fine and collected it; and have it in my
possession; all I have to say is, if it be made an ultimatum,
hostilities must recommence immediately.”

“I have not said—nor am I prepared to say—it is an
ultimatum,” responded Virus.

“If you should be prepared to say it,” said Crook, “you
ought also to be prepared to fight.”

“Enough blood has been shed already,” said Virus;
“and I trust my mission is to be one of peace. Nevertheless
I must report the answer to my principal. The next
thing demanded is the liberation of the prisoners taken at
Bladensburg.”

“That matter, too,” said Crook, “is placed exclusively
in my hands. The Governors of Maryland and Delaware
did not make a requisition on the Federal Executive to
repel an invasion, or to suppress domestic violence—but
gave me authority to do it. I did it, then, in the name of

Maryland, and have received a commission from her Legislature,
in addition to the one conferred by the Convention.
Therefore, the prisoners are in the custody of Maryland
and Delaware. Without a violation of the principle of
State-Rights, as enunciated in the resolutions of '98 and
'99, the President cannot interfere; and with all proper
respect for General Ruffleton, I'll see him — before I do.”

“But, my dear General,” said Virus, “what will you do
with them?”

“I have counted the cost,” said Crook, “and have drawn
the funds from New York. But that money, I think, had
better be expended for powder and ball. The prisoners
shall support themselves. I can incorporate them with the
niggers and make them work on our plantations. The sun
will tan them, and, in time, no doubt they will be absorbed.
They say a nigger is as good as a white man—and I intend
to demonstrate that such white men are no better than
niggers. At all events, if we must lose our slaves, it will
be well to teach these political economists how to grow cotton,
sugar, and rice.”

Virus laughed very heartily at this sally.

“How long, Virus,” said the President, “will it be before
we may expect your attack?”

“I hope there will be no necessity for expecting it at
all.”

“There may be a necessity for this evasion. But you
should not be ignorant that we are quite as well prepared
to receive it now as we will be at any future time.”

“Mr. President,” responded Virus, “we are upon Northern
soil, which has been invaded by a Southern army.”

“In retaliation for an invasion of Southern soil, and, fortunately,
planned and executed by your present Commander-in-Chief,”
replied Randolph.

“But, on that occasion, the Federal Executive did not
deem it incumbent to participate directly in the strife. And
if he should do so on this occasion, will he not be charged
with partiality? Will it not be said that he abandoned the
functions of President of the United States to become the
champion of a mere section, and at a moment, too, when
that section was an aggressor and an invader?”

“No, sir!” responded the President. “The Executive
of the sovereign State of New Jersey has officially invoked

my intervention. The Southern army has signified
its willingness to yield to my authority, and retire beyond
the limits of the State. But its commanders say, what is
apparent to every one, that to attempt an evacuation under
the fire of an enemy would be certain destruction. Hence
it was that I issued my proclamation, commanding the
peace; and hence I have resolved to repel any assault with
all the military force I can bring into the field.”

“And that there may be no possible misconception,” said
Blount, “on the part of General Ruffleton, and no misrepresentation
to the Northern people, I, as Commander-in-Chief
of the Southern armies, have determined, in the contingency
of a recommencement of hostilities, to place all
the troops at the disposal of the President, as a posse comitatus
to vindicate the laws and preserve the public peace.”

“And for my part,” said General Crook, “while submitting
to my superiors in rank, I disclaim and despise the
whole vocabulary of diplomacy. And, according to a presentiment
I cannot repress, I am quite sure there will be
but small regard for the laws, and d— little public peace
preserved after the next gun is fired!”

Blount and Crook then withdrew to prosecute the work
going on with spades preparatory to resist the storm now
daily anticipated.

“Virus,” said Randolph, “have you no secret overtures
for me?”

“I am authorized to say if the Federal troops be withdrawn
from this contest, the British government will overlook
the detention of Lord Slysir, and — ”

“Pause there. If I do not forbear to defend the weaker
party, and if I shall identify myself with the section to be
assailed, then Great Britain will unite with Ruffleton.
England, if not jealous, is fearful of us. The example of
a successful Republic is inimical to monarchies; and Ruffleton
would gladly achieve power, and hold it by a more
stable tenure than the mere caprice of the multitude. Let
the war come. Let England unite with Ruffleton to overthrow
the Republic, and to subjugate the South. They will
fail. But our shipping, owned exclusively in the North,
will escape destruction. Say to Ruffleton that I am not at
all chagrined at his alliance with the old enemy of his country,
because the merchant marine of the United States will

be preserved. The navy is with me. Tell him, moreover,
that I am well aware of the design to rescue Crook's prisoners.
I understand his motive. It is his purpose to become
a popular military chieftain. He may succeed in this; but
it will be at a fearful price. He may accumulate such
overwhelming numbers as to insure a victory—but it will
be a bloody one. By this time to-morrow, when we shall
all know—and it will not improve the amiability of Crook's
temper—that the prisoners are at liberty, I trust you will
be prepared to announce Ruffleton's final determination.
We shall not embark till then. If we do not hear from
him, it will be regarded as the signal for action. And let it
be distinctly understood that not a shot can be fired at the
Southern army without first passing through mine. One-fourth
of my troops consist of horse; and I have marked
the ground for them to occupy. They shall not be circumscribed.
Any intrusion on the prescribed limits will be war
on the United States. Adieu, sir.”

Virus, much astonished at the result of his first interview
with the President, and altogether unable to felicitate himself
on any achievement in the field of diplomacy, returned
somewhat crest-fallen to his patron.

“There is but one other mode of treating with Randolph!”
exclaimed Ruffleton, upon learning the result of
the mission. “Where is Popoli?”

“He attends at the entrance of the tent,” said Virus,
“I will send him in,” and, glad to escape the gathering
storm, he embraced the opportunity to retire.

“Popoli,” said Ruffleton, “I have use for Cardini.
“Where is he?”

“It is a mystery, sir. Mrs. Punt left him but for a few
minutes, and when she returned to the parlor he was gone.
He has not since been heard of.”

“The craven dog! But you shall have his reward. If
I could be assured he had departed, never to return—you
understand—I would be satisfied. You must ascertain
where he is, and what became of him. If alive, bring him
to me—if dead, furnish me evidence of it. Popoli, could
you not find access to Randolph?”

“He fixed his eagle eye on me, sir, for more than a
minute without speaking. Then he warned me never to
appear in his presence again.”

“Could you not approach him in the dark? When he is
asleep? But are there no disguises? If you can serve
me, I shall hear of it—if not, call to-morrow or the next
day for the reward due for services already rendered.”

The Italian, bowing, withdrew from the presence of his
taskmaster.