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Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, D.D.,

rector of Latimer parish, Lexington, Virginia; brigadier-general c.s.a.; chief of artillery, army of northern Virginia.
  
  
  
  
  

 I. 
 II. 
 III. 
 IV. 
 V. 
 VI. 
 VII. 
 VIII. 
 IX. 
 X. 
 XI. 
 XII. 
 XIII. 
 XIV. 
 XV. 
 XVI. 
 XVII. 
 XVIII. 
 XIX. 
 XX. 
 XXI. 
 XXII. 
CHAPTER XXII.
 XXIII. 
 XXIV. 
 XXV. 
 XXVI. 
 XXVII. 
 XXVIII. 
 XXIX. 
 XXX. 
 XXXI. 
 XXXII. 
 XXXIII. 
 XXXIV. 
 XXXV. 
 XXXVI. 
 XXXVII. 
 XXXVIII. 
 XXXIX. 
 XL. 
 XLI. 
 XLII. 
 XLIII. 
 XLIV. 
 XLV. 
 XLVI. 
 XLVII. 
 XLVIII. 
 XLIX. 
 L. 

  

CHAPTER XXII.

BREAKING OUT OF THE WAR.

In entering upon the responsible task of recording Dr. Pendleton's
connection with the great struggle for independent existence
on the part of the South, and giving the history of that
struggle so far as he was concerned in it, it is neither the purpose
nor desire of the writer to go at any length into the political
questions therein involved. Dr. Bledsoe, in his conclusive treatise


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on the constitutional right of secession, "Is Davis a Traitor?"
published in 1866, and ex-President Davis, in his "Rise and Fall
of the Confederate Government," have amply set forth the causes
which forced the Southern States to secede, and fully vindicated
their right so to do. With these two writers, his friends from his
cadet days, Dr. Pendleton was entirely in accord, and the views
and principles held by them faithfully represented his own.

But it is necessary to give a rapid glance at the events immediately
preceding the breaking out of the war in April, 1861, in
order to understand more clearly the state of public feeling and
the circumstances which influenced individual action.

The election of Abraham Lincoln in November, 1860, was
followed by the secession of South Carolina, December 20.
Within a month from that date Mississippi, Florida, Alabama,
Georgia, and Louisiana had also withdrawn from the Union, and
delegates appointed by them met at Montgomery, Alabama,
formed a provisional government of the Confederate States, and
elected Mr. Jefferson Davis President and Mr. Alexander H.
Stephens Vice-President.

At this crisis Governor Letcher summoned the Legislature of
Virginia to meet in extra session, giving Lincoln's election as one
of the reasons for such a meeting. The Legislature called a
convention of the people to deliberate and decide upon the part
which Virginia should take, and pending the assembling of the
convention, earnestly recommended all efforts to prevent a disruption
of the Union and the war which must ensue. To avert
these calamities they passed resolutions deprecating such disastrous
action, and invited the other States to join them in a peace
conference at Washington, which might "consider and, if practicable,
agree upon some suitable adjustment" of the difficulties
which threatened the body politic.

Five of the most experienced, clear-headed, and most conservative
of her public men were chosen to represent Virginia in
this conference. They were met by an equal number of delegates
from twenty other States. And for three weeks these men
from every part of the Union, many of them anxious to save the
country by any honorable means from internecine strife, discussed
the situation and the best mode of improving it. Finally
they settled upon a plan for such amendments to the Constitution


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as might be accepted by all parties and effect a peaceful
settlement of the points at issue. But their propositions were at
once rejected by Congress, as were also Mr. Crittenden's compromise
resolutions.

Meantime, the Virginia Convention met in Richmond. It was
mainly composed of men who loved the Union and were desirous
to preserve it, but who at the same time felt that the
seceding States had rights on which the general government
had no authority to trample; men who would keep Virginia in
the Union at the risk of everything save dishonor and disloyalty
to the principles vindicated by their forefathers. The failure
of peace negotiations at Washington was a deep disappointment
to them. But they still hoped that other efforts might prove
more successful. If only the Federal government would wait,
they fondly imagined that a convention of the "Border States"
might be able to reconcile their hostile sisters on both sides of
them. Mr. Lincoln in his inaugural address had not claimed the
right of coercion. The conservative spirit of Virginia was not,
therefore, without grounds upon which to base its clinging hope
for a peaceable conclusion to the threatening strife.

But determined hatred against everything Southern was overriding
all counsels and opinions tending to moderation at the
North. And as this hostility became more apparent in passionate
invective and open menace, the most patient and peace-abiding
citizens of Virginia began to see no other course before them
but to cast in their lot with their Southern sisters and to stand
by them for good or for evil. The invasion of Harper's Ferry
by John Brown in 1859 had awakened a military spirit among
the young Virginians, especially in the Shenandoah Valley, then
threatened with attack and outrage. The rumors of war, growing
louder and louder for months, had increased the number and zeal
of volunteer companies all over the State, and while the younger
men mustered and drilled and longed for the excitement of war,
their fathers, with grave countenances and determined voices,
began to speak of a conflict as inevitable.

Nowhere had the desire to preserve the integrity of the Union
been stronger than in Rockbridge. John Letcher, the wise,
patriotic, and courageous governor of Virginia, was her favorite
son. Judge John W. Brockenborough, one of the peace cormmissioners,


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was another son of her adoption.[1] The other citizens
of the county and of the village of Lexington had something
of the sound conservatism combined with fearless independence
which characterized these two distinguished gentlemen. As
long as it was possible to preserve the Union, as well as the
principles of inherent State liberty for which their ancestors
had contended, they would cling to both. But when it became
evident that only by violating individual rights and State
freedom could the Union be maintained, they did not hesitate a
moment. To Virginia first and always their allegiance was due,
and when her honor was assailed, each man of them would die
to defend her.

The location of one of the State arsenals, with its guard of
soldiers, and afterwards of the Military Institute, at Lexington had
long made them familiar with the idea and means of such defence.
The daily drill on the Institute parade-ground had taught them
how the arms in the arsenal were to be handled, so that the very
urchins could "go through the manual," "carry arms," and
"charge bayonets" with amusing accuracy and zest. With special
pride and interest they had seen the cadets march off to
Charlestown, to act as the body-guard to Governor Wise, during
the trial of John Brown. Now each man felt that he, too, might
soon be called to the front for far more serious duty in a graver
emergency.

The crisis came speedily. Information being received at
Charleston, South Carolina, that preparations were making at
Washington to reinforce Fort Sumter, Major Anderson was
summoned to surrender it to the Confederate States. This he
declined to do, and on April 12 Sumter was bombarded by the
forces under General Beauregard. On the 13th the fort surrendered,
and on the 16th President Lincoln issued his proclamation
calling for seventy-five thousand men, in due proportion from the
different States. Governor Letcher, of Virginia, promptly refused
to comply with this requisition, as did the governors of all
the Southern States still in the Union. On the 17th of April the
Convention of Virginia, in secret session, passed an ordinance of


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secession. Governor Letcher notified all the troops in the State
to hold themselves in marching order, and the hum of military
preparation began to be heard everywhere.

That Dr. Pendleton was strongly in favor of State-rights in his
early manhood has been mentioned. But, like most of his fellow-statesmen,
he wished those rights preserved in the Union. In
his letter at the time of the John Brown raid, he has been seen
deprecating the course pursued by "fanaticism and mad abolitionism"
at the North as almost sure to result in bloodshed and
misery. As the state of feeling in the country became more excited,
he made every effort in his power to promote peace and
stay the rush of popular indignation. Though averse to mingling
in politics, his voice was now raised in the public meetings in
Lexington, counselling calmness and deliberation; and he was
always listened to with attention, because he was known to be
actuated by no particle of fear or self-seeking. Many circumstances
combined to give him a more lively personal interest in
public affairs at this time than that generally felt by clergymen.
Governor Letcher was one of his friends and neighbors
in Lexington, Mrs. Letcher and her sister being among the most
beloved of his congregation. Judge Brockenborough also—a
school-mate of his brother Hugh—was a parishioner, and he
was thus brought into immediate connection with events in which
they played so prominent a part.

In the autumn of 1860, Dr. Pendleton had been invited to deliver
a course of scientific lectures to the students of the Theological
Seminary, near Alexandria, Virginia, and had spent part of the
winter in preparing for them. On the 16th of April he left home
to fulfil his engagement, and a few hours before setting out wrote
to his son:

"My dear Son,—As I may miss you, I leave this letter.
Serious as is the state of things in the country, and imperative as
may be the call of duty to brave everything in repelling wrong,—
at a day not far distant,—I am very clear that your duty now is
to quiet your mind to the utmost, and to finish your course at the
University. God, my dear son, indicates this for you in the circumstances
of the case. It is all-important that you secure the
advantages of the A.M. And I express it with all the emphasis


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of my judgment, and of my own concern alike for your happiness
and for the interest we all have in your career, as my decided expectation
that you will brace yourself for the full measure of effort
that may be needed for your degree. Say not, my son, that you
cannot command your faculties under the excitements of the
time. Why, if you cannot bring mental agitation into subjection
for so important a purpose when God directs, as I am sure He
does, will you not be too much flurried for calm endurance in a
hundred ways for the trying times we expect?

"No, no, my son. Possess your soul in patience yet awhile.
If we have real war, your time will come soon enough. Considerable
delay will be unavoidable, and I still trust God may
frustrate Lincoln's schemes. Much is to be done besides this
movement of militia.

"If it becomes clearly duty by and by, I will bid you go with
my blessing, and looking up for heaven's grace to attend you.
But now—if you come home—return immediately, and stand
firmly in your lot at the University.

"Your fond father,
"W. N. Pendleton."

Young Pendleton's own good sense had brought him to the
same conclusion, and he passed all the examinations for the Master's
degree before joining the army in the valley of Virginia.

By the time Dr. Pendleton reached the Seminary Virginia had
seceded. Northern troops passing southward through Baltimore
had been attacked by the citizens armed with clubs and paving-stones,
Maryland and Virginia were in a ferment, and the theological
students too much excited to listen to his lectures. From
Alexandria he wrote to his wife:

"As to the state of things and the prospect before us you
know nearly as much as anybody here. Lincoln is so strange
and so misguided that he has himself no idea what he means,
except the Chicago platform and Abraham Lincoln. Things are
very quiet here, but it is the hush of alarm and astonishment.
In Washington you would not suppose yourself in a land of
liberty,—soldiers marching everywhere and everybody seeming
suspicious. Dr. Sparrow approved so much of my suggestion


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about going to talk with Lincoln that I resolved to do it, if possible.
I accordingly proceeded to call on General Scott, to get
an introduction to the splitter of rails and of States. Near
General Scott's quarters, however, I met Cassius Lee and Mr.
McKenzie, who assured me that it was impossible to see General
Scott, he being overwhelmed with business, and that, as to going to
see Lincoln, I had as well reason with an Egyptian mummy. . . .
Whether there is any possibility now of avoiding a dreadful conflict
I cannot tell. I fear not."

Before Dr. Pendleton returned home the volunteer companies
from Lexington had marched to Staunton, on their way to Harper's
Ferry. The cadets had been ordered to Richmond, where
the majority of them were assigned to companies, regiments, and
camps of instruction as drill-masters and adjutants. The speedy
and marked efficiency of the Virginia troops was, in no small
measure, due to the presence and influence of this trained and
disciplined element thus distributed among them. The fostering
care bestowed by the State upon her Military Institute was vindicated
and repaid by the patriotic devotion and gallant service rendered
her by the noble band of her sons who had there acquired
a knowledge of military affairs. With the corps of cadets had
gone their officers and professors. Most distinguished among
these was Major Thomas J. Jackson, whose Mexican fame was
soon to be eclipsed by a more enduring renown.

Other companies were in process of formation. One, an
artillery company, collected and drilled by Captain John E.
McCausland, of the Virginia Military Institute; another, composed
of the students of Washington College, under the title
" Liberty Hall Volunteers." Officers and boys were gone from
the Institute. Dr. Pendleton was the only citizen of military
education, and he was more amused than surprised to find himself
called on to drill the "College Company" in infantry tactics.
In a few days McCausland was ordered to Northwest Virginia as
a lieutenant-colonel, and his incipient artillery command also requested
Dr. Pendleton to instruct them in handling their guns.
Artillery had been his forte at West Point, and a few trials showed
that in the lapse of thirty years he had neither lost his skill as a
cannoneer nor his activity on the parade-ground. At first there


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was no idea of active service in his mind, but questionings as to
his duty soon arose. On the morning of the 1st of May he was
unusually long at his private devotions, and told his wife, on
rising from his knees, that he had been asking for Divine guidance
in the course before him. At family prayers also he was
very earnest. Immediately after breakfast he was called out to
meet two gentlemen,—Mr. John McD. Alexander and Mr. J.
Bowyer Brockenborough,—who proved to be a deputation from
the "Rockbridge Artillery," urging him to become their captain.
At first he declined, and suggested one and another for the position.
But he was the man they wanted, and after further solicitation
he consented to take command of them, at least for a
while. After his death there was found among his private papers
the following statement, written a few hours after he had made
this momentous decision:

"I think it right to record the considerations which influence
me to accept as duty the command of the artillery company at
this place, tendered me this morning.

"In the first place. Defensive war cannot on Gospel grounds, it
seems to me, be condemned. Because, government for the protection
of right having God's emphatic sanction,—indeed, being
His own ordinance,—it must, to the extent of its ability, after fair
and full trials for peace, resist aggression.

"In the next place. While all the Southern States of the confederacy
which our fathers bound together by conditional compact
have for the last forty years pleaded with those of the
North against the violations by the latter of the equal rights
secured to the former in the spirit and purport of the compact,
and against infractions of the letter of that sacred instrument;
and while certain of the Southern States, under the threatened
tyranny of a hostile and dominant section, had deemed it essential
for their own security to rescind their agreement to the federal
compact as really abrogated on the other side, and to form a new
association for themselves, my beloved native State abstained
from all hasty action of that kind and continued, under wrongs
of the most serious character, to plead for justice, equality, and
peace,—even, indeed, as long as such course seemed at all to consist
with her honor or independence as a State,—the astounding


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call by the hostile representative of the aggressive section for a
force of seventy-five thousand men on her immediate borders
compelled Virginia to arm for her own defence and that of her
sisters, if she would in any measure meet her obligations for the
cause of justice on earth and the welfare of mankind. I cannot
doubt, therefore, that defensive warfare on her part is requisite
and most righteous.

"In the third place. Threatened as we are, for this defensive
stand, with wholesale murder and universal desolation by the
myriads of the North, whose passions have been inflamed by
governmental proclamations, a furious press, and a most unchristian
pulpit, no man, in my judgment, whatever his calling and his
love of peace, has a right to shelter himself from the common
danger behind the bravely-exposed breasts of his fellow-citizens.
I should therefore deem it my sacred duty, in some capacity,
fairly to share the peril, as well as work for the welfare of my
countrymen. Especially as my dear family, like those of my neighbors,
claims protection at my hands under God's appointment.

"And in the last place. The captain of this company being
needed for other important service, and there being no other
available to command it who had, like myself, received a military
education and seen some service, I was urged to accept the command,
and could not decline without discouraging the men and
the community, perhaps losing the company to the service; injuring
religion, probably, by allowing some to infer that the
Gospel hope adds little to courage; and actually denying prayer,
since the call came unexpectedly, and after my mind had been
peculiarly engaged in petitions for Divine direction as to my duty
in the eventful crisis.

"My future course will be determined by such indications as
Providence may present to my judgment. If some one becomes
ready to command this company, and my services are not important
in strictly military offices, I should greatly prefer duties
more appropriate to my spiritual relations, and may so signify to
my official superiors.

"Trusting that the Judge of all the earth will accept me in the
covenant of His grace, help me to honor His holy name in the
trying position, and restore me, if it be His holy will, in time to
my family and ordinary duties; take care of the dear ones I


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leave behind, and deliver us all from the cruel tyranny impending,
—I go to the post of danger. Lord Jesus, go with me.
Blessed Spirit, be my guide. Almighty Father, spare the effusion
of blood, frustrate evil counsels, order for our land conditions
of peace, and make our people that happy people whose God is
the Lord!

"W. N. Pendleton.

By this time Major Jackson had been commissioned colonel
and sent to command at Harper's Ferry, where a large body of
troops was assembling. A call from him summoned the Rockbridge
Artillery to join him. The governor gave them permission
to take two brass six-pound guns from the Military Institute.
Captain Pendleton left his home on the 9th of May for Richmond,
to procure two more guns and the necessary equipments;
and the company marched to Staunton on the 11th, to meet him
at Harper's Ferry.

 
[1]

Of this eminent jurist it was her boast that not a single one of his decisions had
ever been reversed by the Supreme Court.