Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, D.D., rector of Latimer parish, Lexington, Virginia; brigadier-general c.s.a.; chief of artillery, army of northern Virginia. |
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| XXXVI. | CHAPTER XXXVI. |
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 | CHAPTER XXXVI. Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, D.D., |  |
CHAPTER XXXVI.
AFTER GETTYSBURG—BRISTOW STATION—MINE RUN—HOME ON
FURLOUGH—COLONEL PENDLETON'S MARRIAGE.
The repulse of Pickett's assault virtually ended this "the
fiercest and most sanguinary" battle ever fought in America.
The heavy loss in the three days' fight—about sixteen thousand
in killed, wounded, and prisoners—and the want of ammunition
prevented any further attack by General Lee. All day of July 4
he waited for General Meade to advance in his turn.[1]
But no
aggressive movement being made, the Southern army withdrew
in the night, and fell back across the mountains to the Potomac
to protect their supply and ammunition trains.
On July 8 General Pendleton wrote from near Hagerstown,
Maryland,—
"After a most laborious and fatiguing time night and day for
perhaps sixty hours we reached this neighborhood, and are here
encamped, in preparation for another great battle. If the Yankees
attack us it will come very soon." . . .
"This rainy Monday morning, while we are waiting in expectation
of an attack from the enemy, I employ a half-hour in
writing. Saturday and yesterday I was laboriously occupied in
posting batteries on our lines, giving minute directions to officers,
etc. Our army is well posted, and if attacked will, I think,
prove victorious. . . . We have had so much rain, it has not
desirable. And now, although the water has fallen a good deal
and a little fording is done, cannon can hardly be driven across
without spoiling the ammunition. . . . We are grieved at the fall
of Vicksburg, but no less firmly resolved to resist Northern
aggression to the end. . . . My health continues very good. By
care I manage to discharge a great deal of duty without breaking
myself down, and by proper management generally get good
rest at night, so that I am, most of the time, fresh for the hard
and protracted service incident to my position. By awaking
very early I get a good—time for prayer and Scripture reading
every morning, and have my staff stirring betimes. George
Peterkin is my trusty aide,—at all times ready for any work or
any danger. One of the truest human beings I ever knew.
"Willie Meade started for Staunton yesterday with his ordnance
train. He had in charge the bundle of things John got in my
behalf for you in Hagerstown,—I could not properly choose
myself. Some of the articles, you will see, are a sort of nondescript
refuse,—shoes of strange sizes, hideous dress-patterns,
etc. I thought you might do something with them all by way
of exchange, if no, otherwise. The cotton, linen, needles, pins,
hooks and eyes, buttons, hair-pins, silk and cotton spools, and
one or two of the dresses will, I hope, prove useful. Willie was
to take the bundle to Mr. Phillips, in Staunton, and get him to
forward it safely."
"My last was from near Williamsport, where we were expecting
another great battle. The weather being very uncomfortable,
the river likely to rise higher, and the Yankees exhibiting
an intention of fortifying, so as to hold a small force in our front
while they operated elsewhere, General Lee concluded to recross
to the Virginia side. This he did on the afternoon and night of
Monday, the 13th, and morning of Tuesday, the 14th. The labors
of all in responsible positions were great. Mine were herculean.
At General Lee's request I started on horseback round
our lines about one P.M., Monday, the 13th, and was virtually
in the saddle until five P.M., Tuesday, the 14th. In the hardest
our side the Potomac, when our army was nearly across, and an
advance of the enemy came imprudently near, about twelve on
the 14th, and having all guns and ammunition secured. I had to
do everything alone during the last ten hours of the time, as
every member of my staff was either broken down himself or
disabled by having a broken-down horse. My horse and myself
were all this while—twenty-eight hours—without food, and I got
no rest for about forty hours. Still, my strength kept up in
good measure, though my horse could scarcely walk when I
reached camp. This recrossing was a great success on General
Lee's part. The army is recruiting after a very severe campaign.
. . . We have moved up gradually to this point and are awaiting
developments. Our cause is, undoubtedly, at serious disadvantage
just now. The loss of Vicksburg is in itself not very injurious;
but Grant's army being set free to co-operate with
Rosecrans is a serious evil. Our failure at Gettysburg and these
events on the Mississippi will give us a vast deal of trouble. It
is a case in which resort to God for help becomes doubly urgent,
while we brace ourselves to the stern duties of the occasion. . . .
William Nelson lost all his clothes and his servant William when
the Yankee cavalry caught part of Ewell's train. I have given
him an old shirt, drawers, socks, towels, handkerchiefs, and
collars out of my scant store."
"Still at Bunker Hill, I write again. . . . I have often thought
how anxious you must all be about us. And indeed you have
had reason. For besides one of the bloodiest battles in history,
—certainly, I suppose, the most tremendous artillery conflict
ever known thus far on earth,—we have been exposed to a
continuance of weather almost unsurpassed in inclemency again
and again, marching day and night through drenching rain and
mud interminable; our food, too, has been necessarily most
irregular, and sometimes so unattractive as to be turned from by
even very hungry men. Only dry bread, such as camp affords,
and a little poor meat, without condiment of any sort save a little
salt, and no vegetables. This, morning, noon, and night, so
wearies the appetite that the organs well-nigh refuse to perform
their office. Still, by God's helping, we get along cheerfully
sent me two days ago a loaf of bread and two or three makings
of tea with sugar enough for it. It is very refreshing. But after
all, what of all these little trials if God be pleased to bless us in
frustrating the wicked purposes of Lincoln and the Yankees. . . .
By this time the bundles sent have, I hope, reached you. I have
amused myself imagining the looks of horror and merriment
with which the girls held up the odd pairs of shoes, and one
or two of the dress-patterns sent, not knowing my idea in
sending them,—viz., that if they could not be used in our household,
they could be exchanged somewhere for things more suitable.
The truth is, that amid the solemnities of so much blood
and death I hardly felt that it was right to be bestowing much
effort upon any earthly vanities or even comforts."
Great indeed had been the anxiety and distress in the household
in Lexington, for besides the loss of many relatives and
friends, the papers had published the name of General Pendleton
as among the mortally wounded,—confounding it with that of
General Pender, who was thus unfortunate. By exercising much
vigilance the report was kept from Mrs. Pendleton's knowledge
until the contradiction of it appeared. And even then the shock
of it prostrated her for several days.
General Meade's movements made it expedient for the Confederate
army to draw nearer to Richmond,
"From the hour you see I have only a moment to write,
having had hard marching and little rest since leaving Bunker
Hill on Tuesday. By five P.M. were four miles southeast of Front
Royal,—forty-one or forty-two miles. Next day, yesterday, we
reached a point eight or nine miles from here, not camping till
past twelve at night. No dinner, no supper. This morning about
ten arrived here with one corps. The others pressing on. We
are pushing on to head the Yankees stirring again for Richmond."
"The probabilities now seem that we shall be for some time
somewhere between this place and Gordonsville. . . . You are
all well, I trust, and comfortable in reliance on God notwithstanding
a time to try our faith and fortitude. But God has
not vacated His throne, nor will He, except for wise purposes,
permit iniquity to triumph ultimately. And if, for such purposes,
although impenetrable by us, He see fit to allow our enemies
to triumph, we can, I hope, submit to Him even therein, as
did our Saviour under the hands of his enemies,—'Not my will,
but thine, be done.'"
The Confederate army drawing still farther back behind the
Rapidan and a season of comparative rest and quiet ensuing,
General Pendleton was able to have his wife and one of his
daughters visit him at Orange Court-House, where they were
hospitably entertained for several weeks by his cousin, Mrs.
Mildred Taylor. How pressing were the material wants of the
people of Virginia at this date, cut off from intercourse and
trade with the outside world, an extract from a letter of Mrs.
Pendleton's makes very vivid. On July 26 she wrote,—
"We have not yet got the bundles, but know they are at Mr.
Phillips's. I had something of the same feeling you expressed
about buying, when on such an errand as yours. S—and R—
badgered me into asking you, and it really is a good thing, for
we do need clothes. Mr. E. J. Lee came Tuesday and brought
the trunk he packed himself. In Confederate funds it is worth a
great deal to us all. My portion was four dozen—adamantine
candles, a gallon of coal-oil, which he brought in a jug in the
carriage, a pound of tea, ten pounds crushed sugar, three pounds
coffee, three pair of shoes, and a calico dress for myself, but it is
quite red, and I shall give it to one of the girls. Then Mrs. Lee
brought me a beautiful winter dress and a supply of pins and
sewing materials. Sandie sent three pair of shoes, which fit
Mary, Lella, and Nancy. Edmund Lee brought Lella a beautiful
pair of gaiters. Rose has a pair of Mr. Lee's and I the two
other pair. I hope some of us may be able to wear some of
yours. All you send will be of use, and most highly valued as
coming from you. If you did not get yourself clothes, we will
make you some immediately."
Only those who recall the absolute need of the common trifles
relief of receiving a supply of such simple things.
Early in September Longstreet's corps was sent to Tennessee,
and about the same time Meade's force was also reduced by sending
reinforcements elsewhere. There then ensued what has been
called by military writers "a campaign of strategy," or "manœuvres,"
with advantage sometimes on one side and then on the
other. The prestige, at least, was on the Southern side at its
close. The three important events in this series of advances and
retreats were the Bristow campaign in October, the engagement
at Rappahannock Station, and the Mine Run campaign. In the
first of these General Meade was forced to withdraw from his
advanced position to the heights around Centreville, but in a
fight at Bristow Station A. P. Hill's corps lost several hundred
prisoners and five pieces of artillery.
On the 7th of November General Meade, who had again advanced,
moved across the Rappahannock, and at Kelley's Ford
partially surprised a part of Ewell's corps, capturing fifteen hundred
men and four guns.
On the 26th of November the Federal army crossed the Rapidan
at the fords below General Lee's position. The Confederates
moved also so as to strike General Meade's flank and rear should
he press on towards Richmond, or confront him on strong ground
if Lee's army was the object of his advance. For this purpose
General Lee fell back across Mine Run and took a position on
the west bank of that stream, where strong fortifications were
thrown up to strengthen the natural advantages afforded by the
hills above the run. Here they lay for three days, while General
Meade brought up his army, cannonaded heavily, and made elaborate
preparations for an assault. After waiting thus in vain for
the attack, General Lee determined himself to take the offensive
on the morning of December 2. But when the day dawned the
enemy was no longer there. Finding the Confederate forces so
strongly posted and fortified, General Warren, to whom the opening
of the battle had been committed, decided that the loss of
life would be too great in any attack on the works, and declined
to sacrifice his men in what was apparently so hopeless an effort.
This terminated active operations for the season, and both armies
went into winter-quarters.
Letters from General Pendleton and his son give interesting
details of these events and of army-life during the period of their
occurrence.
Sandie Pendleton wrote August 27,—
". . . I got a new commission in Richmond the other day, as
lieutenant-colonel and assistant adjutant-general, to rank from
July 23, 1863. I have reached the end of my tether now, and
shall have to be content with my present grade until the end of
the war. However, it is a high grade and a good position for so
young a man,—chief of staff of the Second Army Corps."
General Pendleton wrote,—
"Last night I rode a few miles to Alexander's battalion and
preached for them. It was a very interesting time. Captain
Parker, a good Methodist, is much concerned for the religious
condition of his men. There is unusual interest among them,
and the meeting was large, attentive, and interesting.
"General Lee has not yet returned. Everything is perfectly
quiet. On Saturday a picnic was held near Montpelier.[2]
Your
ma and L—were invited with me. I excused myself, as they
were gone. A rain came up as all hands were going to dinner,
and sauve qui peut soon became the cry. Lawns and silks were
sadly damaged, and there was great scuffling into ambulances,
wagons, and carriages to get shelter, and as for the dinner, it was
well soused with rain-drops."
". . . What do you think of my sitting up the entire night,
night before last, reading 'Aurora Floyd'? Sitting with my back
to the front of my tent, I was surprised to find, on finishing the
book and turning round, that it was broad day. I went to bed
and slept soundly about three hours, and got up fresh as a lark
for my usual work. . . . How do you find the quiet life of home
after the stir of army associations? A little dull, I fear. I was
at the chaplains' meeting day before yesterday, and gave them a
few words of counsel and exhortation."
"Last night I officiated to a very large congregation—the
around. Several light-wood torches raised on platforms glaring
on the dense mass of soldiers seated in orderly arrangement on
rough seats prepared for the purpose, and a candle or two on the
primitive stand where I was. My ride home was rough, extremely
dark, partly through dense woods, and quite lonely. It
was eleven when I got to my tent. But I had great peace of
mind and a sense of God's approving goodness."
"Part of this army has moved. General Lee had a grand
review of the Second Corps day before yesterday. A. P. Hill's
corps is to be reviewed to-day. . . . Mr. Hansbrough has asked
me to assist in the services on Sunday, when Bishop Johns is
expected."
"I can send you but a line this morning, having to move forward
and post artillery on the Rapidan. The enemy advancing.
I preached in church yesterday and administered the communion,
the bishop too unwell to come and Mr. Hansbrough sick. Some
two hundred and fifty persons communed, several generals among
them. General Lee was not there; detained by news from the
front."
Of this movement on the front Sandie Pendleton wrote,—
". . . The enemy's cavalry came on in large force and drove
Stuart back to the Rapidan, capturing three pieces of artillery.
Our cavalry suffered smartly, but did good execution. Our infantry
moved out at daylight yesterday, our corps moving down
to watch Summerville's and Raccoon Fords. The enemy
showed no infantry, but only cavalry and artillery."
Three days later his father writes,—
". . . I was out on the front lines all day yesterday; a ride of
some thirty miles. From what I saw I do not judge a fight so
near. But messages from signal-stations and from other quarters
to-day give notice of a great advance of the enemy, and troops
will be moving at daylight in the morning to meet it."
Sandie Pendleton to his mother.
"Last Saturday we moved down here from Orange Court-House
to Steam's place, formerly the property of Jeremiah
Morton. The house is entirely empty, and I am now writing in
one of the fine parlors,—a magnificent room twenty-six feet square,
with deep bay-windows, pier-glasses, and marble mantel-pieces,
but no furniture except my camp-table and chair. . . . Our corps
guards the river to the east of Orange Court-House, Early
being at Summerville's and Raccoon Fords, and Rodes and Johnson
at Morton's and Germanna Fords, fords west to east in the
order named, the first being some eight miles below Rapidan
Station and the last near the mouth of the river."
Of General Lee's move on Meade's right flank General Pendleton
wrote, from near Bristow Station, October 16,—
". . . As my last letter notified you, we left our camp near
Orange Court-House on the 9th. I had to take that day a very
long ride by Gordonsville, to arrange for one of the two artillery
battalions, previously stationed near there, being posted so as best
to defend that point, if suddenly threatened, and the other marching
on with the army.
"While waiting in front of Mrs. Barbour's for the two commanders
sent for to meet me there, and sitting on a stile by
the gate, I was approached by her daughter, a sweet-looking
girl, and urged to go in. I did so, and was amused to find that
they took me for 'the commander-in-chief.' They did not
appear less cordial when the error was corrected. . . . After a
fatiguing march, rendered more tedious by the necessity of
taking by-ways through woods, etc., to prevent being seen from
the enemy's lookout posts, we encamped at dark on the 10th.
"By dawn of the 11th we were all once again in motion, and,
as we seemed approaching the enemy, General Lee requested me
to ride in advance and select positions for the artillery in case of
coming upon the Yankees and engaging them. . . . On Monday,
near the Rappahannock River, by Warrenton Springs, we found
the enemy, and as he began to use his artillery it devolved upon
me to press ahead and select positions for our guns. The Yankees
force of cavalry and artillery. Our batteries were brought up
and posted with care, so that they were ready before the enemy
perceived one of them. Sixteen guns opened at once, and the
Yankee batteries ran off within ten minutes. . . . On Wednesday,
the 14th, about three P.M., A. P. Hill came upon and engaged the
enemy. General Lee, General Ewell, and myself, at the head of
Ewell's column, sought views of the enemy on our front. . . .
Meanwhile, Hill had driven off one body of the enemy, but another
had proved too much for a part of his force and captured
five of his guns. It was a bad business; somebody's blunder.
There was the finest opportunity to capture ten thousand Yankees,
with some forty guns, and it ought to have been done; instead
of which they took five guns, and after night made good
their retreat and completely escaped. . . . To-day has been
extremely wet. General Lee is quite unwell from lumbago, with
which he suffers very much, so that he could not be out."
"You see by the superscription that we have come back from
Bristow Station. The Yankees have so entirely desolated the
region that there is nothing left on which men or animals can
subsist. On Saturday, the 17th, besides riding round the lines
giving directions to the artillery, I went forward to old Manassas,
Randolph Page, George Peterkin, and Charles Hatcher accompanying
me. The only house of any kind left there is a dilapidated
shanty, occupied by a poor Irishwoman with her children.
"Our route yesterday from Bristow, as did our ride to Manassas,
lay by the side of the railroad track. The whole way from
Manassas to this point is one unbroken scene of desolation. Not
a house left standing! Not a living thing save a few partridges
and other small birds! No horse or cow, no hog or sheep, no dog
or cat,—of course, no man, woman, or child! In sight of the river,
on the north side, stands a house with some out-buildings around.
General Lee told me he went there to look at the place. Not a
soul remained. Drills, however, and ploughs of most valuable
kinds had been piled together in the yard by the Yankees and
burned; wagons, carts, and an elegant carriage had been cut to
pieces and smashed up with axes; and the negro cabins were in
perpetrated in the wars of the world. Among other instances of
such ruin I noticed a plain place of worship—perhaps Methodist
or Baptist—by the road-side, with about half the weather-boarding
torn off the walls, as usual, defaced by abominable scribblings which
the profane creatures had perpetrated. Bad as are thousands of
our people, I do not believe they would thus mock the Almighty
by polluting the homeliest structure dedicated to his worship.
"General Lee told me he would not have come back but for the
great number of our men barefooted. . . . As the probable close
of active operations for the campaign approaches I find my heart
literally aching to get home. Oh, for that unspeakable privilege!"
Sandie Pendleton wrote,—
". . . Here we are again, having gotten back here exactly one
month from the time we left, and are minus about four thousand
men and nine pieces of artillery which we had when we started,
October 9.
"The papers will have apprised you of the mishap to the
Second Corps at Rappahannock bridge on Saturday evening.
There were too few men to hold the position, and the enemy
made a sudden rush with a tremendous force and carried the
works, getting possession of the pontoon-bridge, so that the men
had no way of escape. Our troops behaved splendidly, and the
Yankee loss was very great. We lost scarcely any in killed and
wounded, but about twelve hundred prisoners and four pieces of
artillery. On Sunday we took up position in front of Culpeper
Court-House and waited all day for the enemy, who did not come
on, and on Sunday night we recrossed the Rapidan, where our
troops are in their old quarters. I don't think Meade will come
on. I earnestly hope General Lee will soon attack him, and let
us retrieve our lost reputation. It is absolutely sickening, and I
feel personally disgraced by the issue of the late campaign, as
does every one in the command. Oh, how each day is proving
the inestimable value of General Jackson to us!"
So the days wore on, the generals having to be constantly on
the alert, watching Meade's movements and trying to divine his
them, as of other things, General Pendleton wrote,—
"There seems much suffering in store for us. The difficulty
of feeding our animals where we have to meet the enemy is
almost insuperable, and with that difficulty others increase, as
feeding our men, whose food horses must draw, and using our
cannon, which must by horses be moved from place to place.
The immense multitudes the Yankees have been able to import
for the war against us have enabled them so far to carry out
their barbarous policy of destroying productions in large districts
of our country as to render the question of supplies a
serious one for the army and the population crowded within our
narrowed limits, and the disturbed state of our currency has so
inflated prices that multitudes can scarcely command subsistence.
. . . Saturday I had a strange call of duty. In the afternoon a
good-looking negro man presented himself at my tent, saying that
he came from Colonel Corley, chief quartermaster of this army,
in whose employ he was, to ask if I would marry him—the servant
—that night about nine o'clock,—the place some four miles
off. I felt it right to consent, and although it rained very hard I
sallied out, George Peterkin accompanying me, about half-past
seven P.M. The rain held up, and we only had the discomfort of
a great deal of mud. There was a large negro company,—all
quite proper. The groom responded 'I will' at every pause in
the interrogatory addressed to him,—the bride signifying assent
in her turn by a modest silence. George and I were taken first
to the supper-table and did it some justice,—ham, turkey, roast
fowl, bread and butter, custard, cake, and coffee (rye) in abundance.
The groom offered to pay me for my trouble, but I told
him I should be well paid if he and his wife fulfilled their vows
and lived happily together. We got to camp again by eleven
without any serious inconvenience.
"Yesterday I preached in the church at the Court-House. A
large and attentive congregation, including General Lee and
President Davis, several other generals, and a number of officers
and soldiers, but not many ladies, as the walking was so bad.
From the deep quiet and apparent interest and the full chorus
with which the closing hymn was sung, as well as on general
. . . After the delight I anticipate at being at home for a season
before long, the experience of war must be mine for a long time
to come. Yankee malice and lust of power and plunder is still
unsatisfied; and as Seward has succeeded in cheating the outside
world, we have to struggle against it as well as against the
Yankees." . . .
In front of the enemy at Mine Run General Pendleton wrote,—
just before sunrise and before starting out on our lines.
"We have been in line of battle since Friday. The enemy
square up against us. We have a good position and everything
ready. The enemy holds off from attack, though he may try today.
His position also strong, and the country is almost impenetrable
from the thick woods. I have frequently seen Sandie.
As usual he is busy and useful. My own duties are incessant."
Again, on returning to camp near Orange Court-House, where
they had been for some weeks, he told of the failure of Meade's
plan:
"It was a remarkable case. We confronted the enemy Friday,
Saturday, Sunday, and Monday,—the two armies looking, and
often shooting, at each other all the while, and being at points of
the line less than a half-mile apart, and yet they separated without
closing for mortal struggle; the aggressor, who had sought
the occasion with a force half as large again as the defender's,
backing out and running off from the contest he had challenged.
General Lee had just made arrangements for attacking them
yesterday morning, when lo! as light dawned, there were no
Yankees there! They had retreated during the night."
On the same date, December 3, Sandie Pendleton wrote,—
"Meade's coup was not delivered. General Lee had taken up
an advantageous position and awaited attack, which he declined
to make. . . . I presume this finishes the campaign here, as the
roads will be an embargo upon travelling with wheeled vehicles.
I should like, however, to have an opportunity of punishing these
than ever before,—burning houses and plundering. At every
house they took every morsel of food and left the people—women
and little children—actually starving,—tore up the clothing and
burned all the furniture, and so on in outrages too numerous and
horrible to mention. . . . During the late movements here General
Early has been in command, and, I assure you, he does
admirably. . . . Our men are in fine heart notwithstanding the
bitter cold, for Meade's retreat is almost an acknowledgment of
defeat."
Preparations were now made for putting the army into winter-quarters,
and most of the artillery was drawn farther back and
stationed at different points, with a view to procuring forage for
the horses.
Sandie Pendleton's marriage to Miss Corbin, of Moss-Neck,
had been delayed on account of the impossibility of his leaving
his work as adjutant-general of the Second Corps. General
Pendleton deferred asking for a furlough for his long-desired
visit home, hoping to perform the marriage and accompany the
bridal party to Lexington. But as Christmas approached, and
there was no telling when Colonel Pendleton could return from
the valley, whither he had gone with General Early to head off
an advance of General Averill, the general took advantage of a
notification from army head-quarters that he could now be spared
from his post better than at any other time, got his furlough,
and reached his home the night before Christmas. On returning
from church Christmas-day, a telegram from Colonel Pendleton
informed his father that he, too, had his leave of absence and
wished to be married on the 28th. Travelling was so difficult
that it was necessary for General Pendleton to leave Lexington
at once to join his son in Richmond.
He took his Christmas dinner[3]
at home, and then drove to
Staunton in a buggy. The weather was intensely cold and a
driving snow falling; but after enduring so much exposure in
the field a rough, cold ride all night was not considered when
on the Central Railroad delayed the wedding until the 29th
of the month, and the wedding party reached Lexington late on
the 1st of January, 1864.
Army of Northern Virginia, November 20, 1863.
General,—In obedience to your instructions, I have carefully reconsidered all the
recommendations for promotion in the artillery service with this army, availing myself
of the matured counsels of General Long, chief of artillery of Second Corps, and
Colonel Walker, chief of artillery of Third Corps, and of General Stuart, for the
batteries serving with the cavalry. The result I have now the honor to report.
The legitimate armament of batteries actually in the field with this army, including
those attached to the First Corps and those with the cavalry, amounts to two hundred
and seventy-six guns.
At present there is a deficiency of guns in some of the batteries, owing to the fact
that Napoleons have not been supplied in sufficient numbers to replace all the six-pounders
and howitzers turned in to be recast, and the additional fact that casualties
in action and the wear and tear of service have deprived us at this juncture of some
pieces and teams, for the replacing of which arrangements are in progress. The
existing incomplete number thus produced is two hundred and forty-four.
As all the elements of our organization, companies, battalions, and corps-groups, are
based upon the legitimate number expected to be restored as soon as practicable, it is believed
to be the proper standard by which to adjust our legal proportion of field-officers.
This number entitles us, under the law, to three brigadier-generals, seven colonels,
eleven lieutenant-colonels, and seventeen majors.
We now have on our roll two brigadier-generals, six colonels, six lieutenant-colonels,
and seventeen majors,—viz.:
W. N. Pendleton and A. L. Long, brigadier-generals.
S. Crutchfield, J. B. Walton, J. T. Brown, H. C. Cabell, R. L. Walker, and E. P.
Alexander, colonels.
A. S. Cutts, R. S. Andrews, Thos. H. Carter, H. P. Jones, W. Nelson, and John
J. Garnett, lieutenant-colonels.
Chas. Richardson, B. F. Eshleman, S. P. Hamilton, R. F. Beckham, Jas. Bearing,
T. J. Page, W. J. Pegram, D. G. McIntosh, W. T. Poague, C. Braxton, R. A. Hardaway,
J. B. Brokenbrough, John Lane, F. Huger, John C. Haskell,—Read, Jas.
Rielly, majors.
Of the colonels, Crutchfield is understood to be so far disabled for active field
service, by the effects of a severe wound received at Chancellorsville, that it is due,
equally to the service and to himself, that he be assigned to some position better
adapted to his physical condition. His eminent merit and services deserve reward.
General Jackson desired him to be made brigadier-general of artillery and to continue
in his post of chief of artillery for the Second Corps. This, by General Jackson's
death and his own protracted disability, seems to be now precluded; but it is hoped a
congenial and useful position may be assigned him, in connection with the defences
of Richmond or with some other department of home defence.
Colonel Walton is also a meritorious officer, for whom some other sphere of duty
is believed to be better adapted to promote the efficiency of the artillery with
the First Corps as its chief, and he must therefore be recommended for promotion to
that position. In this event, however, it is understood Colonel Walton prefers duty
elsewhere. Mobile being mentioned as the locality most agreeable to him. It is
hoped the interests of the service may admit of his being thus accommodated.
Colonel Cabell is another estimable officer whom it is best to transfer to another
position. His worth as a gentleman, his patriotism as a citizen, and his gallantry as a
soldier deserve honorable mention; but it is believed he could render better service in
a command requiring less prompt activity than that he now holds. It is therefore
respectfully recommended that he be transferred by exchange with Lieutenant-Colonel
Lightfoot to command the battalion of field artillery at Richmond, now under charge
of Lieutenant-Colonel Lightfoot, and that the latter be assigned to the command of
the battalion with this army, of which Colonel Cabell has had charge.
Of the lieutenant-colonels, Andrews, a most gallant and distinguished officer, ought,
in duty to the cause and to himself, to be relieved from field exposure and employed
in less trying service, that he may recover from the threatening consequences of a
dangerous wound received at Cedar Run nearly eighteen months ago. He is admirably
adapted to usefulness in the ordnance department, and it is hoped a position
therein may be assigned him with an additional grade. Were it really proper for him
to remain in the field, sincerity and merit would together place him first on our list of
lieutenant-colonels for promotion.
Lieutenant-Colonel Garnett may, with advantage to the service, be relieved of his
command and assigned to other duty. He has proved less efficient in the field than
was expected of so well-trained and capable a soldier. It is believed he can be more
useful on conscript service than in his present position. Such change for him is therefore
respectfully recommended.
Of the majors, Brokenbrough, entitled to praise for extended and good service, is
disabled, and will probably long so continue, by the lingering effects of a wound
received at Fredericksburg last December. He ought to be relieved of responsible
connection with this army and assigned some post of comparatively light duty.
To fill the vacancies thus occurring, and others now existing, I respectfully recommend,
on the testimonials of other commanders, as well as on my own judgment, the
following promotions,—viz.:
Colonel E. P. Alexander to be brigadier-general and chief of artillery First Corps.
Lieutenant-Colonels Carter, Jones, and Cutts to be colonels; Majors Dearing, Eshleman,
Huger, Braxton, Pegram, McIntosh, Poague, Beckham, Hardaway, and Richardson
to be lieutenant-colonels; and Captains Cutshaw, Jordan, Miller, Stribling,
Raine, R. C. M. Page, Watson, McGraw, M. Johnson, Ward, Maurin, Moorman,
Chew, and Breathed to be majors. Our list of assignments will then stand,—
W. N. Pendleton, Brigadier-General and Chief of Artillery.
- Lieutenant-Colonel F. Huger, South Carolina; Major Jordan,
Virginia. - Lieutenant-Colonel Beckham, Virginia; Major Read,
Georgia. - Lieutenant-Colonel Eshleman, Louisiana; Major Miller,
Louisiana.
FIRST CORPS.
E. P. Alexander, Brigadier-General and Chief of Artillery.
Huger's Battalion.
Beckham's Battalion.
Eshleman's Battalion.
- Lieutenant-Colonel Lightfoot, North Carolina; Major Hamilton,
Georgia. - Major Haskell, South Carolina; Major Rielly, North Carolina.
Colonel Jones, Virginia.
Lightfoots Battalion.
Haskell's Battalion.
- Major R. C. M. Page, Virginia; Major Moorman, Virginia.
- Major Cutshaw, Virginia; Major Stribling, Virginia.
- Lieutenant-Colonel Braxton, Virginia; Major Raine,
Virginia.
SECOND CORPS.
A. L. Long, Brigadier-General and Chief of Artillery.
Colonel Carter, Virginia.
Page's Battalion.
Cutshaw's Battalion.
Braxton's Battalion.
- Lieutenant-Colonel Hardaway, Alabama; Major Watson,
Virginia. - Lieutenant-Colonel Nelson, Virginia; Major T. J. Page,
Virginia.
Colonel Brown, Virginia.
Hardaway's Battalion.
Nelson's Battalion.
- Lieutenant-Colonel Pegram, Virginia; Major McGraw,
Virginia. - Lieutenant-Colonel McIntosh, South Carolina; Major Johnson,
Virginia. - Lieutenant-Colonel Poague, Virginia; Major Ward, Mississippi.
THIRD CORPS.
R. L. Walker, Colonel and Chief of Artillery.
Pegram's Battalion.
McIntosh's Battalion.
Poague's Battalion.
- Lieutenant-Colonel Richardson, Virginia; Major Maurin,
Louisiana. - Colonel Cutts, Georgia; Major Lane, Georgia.
- Lieutenant-Colonel Dearing, Virginia; Major Chew, Virginia;
Major Breathed, Virginia.
Colonel Cutts, Georgia.
Richardson's Battalion.
Cutts's Battalion.
With the Cavalry.
In this schedule will be noticed two colonels less and one lieutenant-colonel and
three majors more than the literal legal ratio,—an exchange deemed allowable, as
two colonels are, on the numerical scale of the law, more than equivalent to a lieutenant-colonel
and three majors, and these are needed, as the schedule shows, for the
best organization.
General Long wishes his battalions grouped as above, under Colonels Carter and
Brown. I concur with him in deeming it a good arrangement, and have provided
similarly for the two reserve battalions of the First Corps, on this line, under Colonel
Jones.
The best men are believed to be herein presented in such case. At the same time
the fairest distribution practicable is made of promotions in the corps respectively and
are seven promotions, from the Second eight, from the Third nine, and from the
horse-artillery four.
These promotions are much needed, and it is believed they will greatly benefit the
artillery service. Encouragement to this arm has not been, as it should be, commensurate
with that in the others. Even with the recommendations now submitted the
number of artillery field-officers will be only about three-fourths of those belonging
to three brigades of cavalry or infantry having anything like the number of men,
companies, etc., constituting this artillery.
Respectfully your obedient servant,
Brigadier-General and Chief of Artillery.
Commanding,
Sandie Pendleton, as adjutant of the Second Corps, carried the returns of that command
to head-quarters in person on the morning of this day. Wishing to be encouraging,
he remarked to the commander-in-chief as he delivered the papers, "General,
I hope the other two corps are in as good condition for work as ours is this morning."
General Lee looked at him steadily and replied coldly, "What reason have you, young
gentleman, to suppose that they are not?"
"I never felt so small in my life," said young Pendleton in telling the story. "I
lost no time in bowing myself out and riding away, firmly resolved never to hazard
any inquiry or conjecture to General Lee again."
| CHAPTER XXXVI. Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, D.D., | |