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Memoirs of William Nelson Pendleton, D.D.,

rector of Latimer parish, Lexington, Virginia; brigadier-general c.s.a.; chief of artillery, army of northern Virginia.
  
  
  
  
  

 I. 
 II. 
 III. 
 IV. 
 V. 
 VI. 
 VII. 
 VIII. 
 IX. 
 X. 
 XI. 
 XII. 
 XIII. 
 XIV. 
 XV. 
 XVI. 
 XVII. 
 XVIII. 
 XIX. 
 XX. 
 XXI. 
 XXII. 
 XXIII. 
 XXIV. 
 XXV. 
 XXVI. 
 XXVII. 
 XXVIII. 
 XXIX. 
 XXX. 
 XXXI. 
CHAPTER XXXI.
 XXXII. 
 XXXIII. 
 XXXIV. 
 XXXV. 
 XXXVI. 
 XXXVII. 
 XXXVIII. 
 XXXIX. 
 XL. 
 XLI. 
 XLII. 
 XLIII. 
 XLIV. 
 XLV. 
 XLVI. 
 XLVII. 
 XLVIII. 
 XLIX. 
 L. 

  

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CHAPTER XXXI.

FALL AND WINTER OF 1862.

As had been the case after First Manassas, the work which
occupied General Pendleton immediately after Sharpsburg was
the distributing among the batteries of Lee's army the seventy-three
fine guns captured at Harper's Ferry. Since the march to
Yorktown in April that army had been undergoing incessant and
arduous service. This long campaign had been exceedingly trying
upon the artillery. Men, horses, and ordnance, all were worn
and exhausted by the severe and protracted marching and fighting
from Williamsburg, through the week of battles before Richmond,
Cedar Run, the three bloody days at Manassas, across the
Potomac, through Maryland, over the Blue Ridge, at Harper's
Ferry and Sharpsburg, and back across the Potomac again. The
supply of horses and superior cannon taken at Harper's Ferry
was, therefore, most welcome and timely, and battery captains
were eager to replace their disabled pieces by the newer and more
efficient Yankee guns. To see that these were distributed justly
and where they would most conduce to the strengthening the
artillery force was General Pendleton's especial care.

But the capability of field-artillery depends even more upon the
condition of the battery horses than upon the calibre and character
of the guns. Bad roads, incessant labor, and insufficient
food added to the casualties of battle had so reduced the number
and impaired the efficiency of the artillery horses as to render it
a matter of extreme anxiety how such a state of things was to be
remedied. Hardship and danger—the unfailing tests of capacity
to discharge duty and face responsibility—had shown that here
and there were to be found batteries which, through negligence,
inefficiency, inaptitude for that special arm, or reduction in strength
from sickness or battle, were encumbrances to the artillery force.
To weed these out, break them up, and distribute officers, men,
and munitions so as to build up other more reliable but too feeble


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batteries was another laborious and most important duty devolving
upon the army chief of artillery.

Besides these duties specially connected with the artillery,
General Pendleton was called upon to discharge others pertaining
to the general welfare,—looking up woollen manufactories,
sending detachments after stragglers, etc.,[1] —and, as before, proved
capable for what was required of him. His report of the operations
of his command from the crossing into Maryland to the
withdrawal of the army after the battle of Sharpsburg was placed
in General Lee's hands on September 24, one week after the battle.
Under the urgent necessity to bring up the artillery force to full
strength as speedily as possible he had, by October 2, procured
and examined exhaustive reports from every artillery command,
and had so studied the subject as to be able to lay before General
Lee on that date a report in detail of every battalion and company
in the army, with a recommendation in each case as to the
retention or disbanding and distributing of the same.

Anxiety, exposure, and loss of rest during the days and nights
from the 14th to the 20th of September had brought on him a
severe return of the sickness which had attacked him in the
Chickahominy swamps, and all this work was performed in spite
of much prostration and suffering. Of his life from day to day
his letters give the best account:

". . . For the last few days I have been too unwell to write,—
with my complaint of long standing. To-day I am better. . . .
Randolph insists I must get a leave of three or four weeks or I
will not get well. I begin to think so myself, but must wait a
little longer. A good deal to be done that I wish to accomplish
before leaving the army, and then it will depend upon the prospect
before us and how I feel whether I shall consider myself at
liberty to take a brief respite.

"The army has been resting here some days, and is now entering,
I suppose, upon active work again. But what that work
is to be I at present have no idea, my indisposition having kept
me quietly in my camp for these several days. We are about to
move towards Winchester." . . .


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". . . I have another opportunity of writing a few lines. This
holy day has been too busy for a Sabbath, yet mentally to me a
sacred day. I am resting for an hour or two. The enemy seems
concentrating at Harper's Ferry, so that this army must move to
head them off. This active movement, with the likelihood of battle,
prevents my thinking just now of the furlough I had contemplated.
Indeed, Randolph had given me a certificate that it was essential
for me to leave camp for thirty days, but there is a good deal to do
in my department which no one else can do as well, under the circumstances,
and I would not go when a great conflict may be near.

"My disease has been for the past few days very enfeebling.
I am, as you request, extremely careful as to diet. But camp is
a hard place to be nice in that as in other respects. By calling at
houses near by and getting a soft-boiled egg and a little boiled
milk now and then, I hope to get along,—even if 'faint, yet
pursuing.' I know you would not have me leave my post at a
critical time if I can possibly hold out.

"The country around here is doubly desolate. Army after
army has passed over it, and a cloud of locusts were hardly less
destructive; and now a drought almost unparalleled has parched
it crisp. Winchester I have not yet seen, but it is said to be
greatly injured. I sent you yesterday a check. It will, I hope,
come safely and meet all your wants. Make sure of flour, wood,
and bacon for the winter."

". . . I have only time this morning for a line to tell you how
much better I am. I was very sick and beginning to despair of
getting well in camp, but got one of the boys to bring me a piece
of pickle from a nice house near by, and extracting and swallowing
the juice helped me at once. I am now taking nitro-muriatic
acid, and have been living mainly on acid food. It has all helped
me wonderfully, and I am really beginning to feel like myself.
You may, therefore, rest easy on my account thus far."

While he was encouraging his family by enlarging on every
slight improvement in his health, his friends in camp were very
anxious about him. His son wrote home at this time telling of
a visit to the artillery camp:


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"I found pa quite sick, though rather better than he had been
for some days. I made him promise to go home for thirty days,
and he says he will start in five days more, so by next Wednesday
I hope he may be with you."

Meantime, the improvement indicated above began, important
work demanded attention, and the longed-for and much-needed
visit home became daily less possible. From his brother-in-law
Philip N. Meade's home, "Mountain View," in Clarke County,
he wrote, on October 6, Monday,—

"You will rejoice to hear that I am nearly well again. I wrote
you of my feeling better, but the change has been nothing short
of wonderful. . . . Friday General Lee sent me a note expressing
regret at learning of my health being still indifferent and
urging me to take some relaxation. But I was then better, and
besides engaged upon the laborious and delicate task of reducing
and reorganizing the artillery of the entire army. Saturday
morning I finished my report, took it to General Lee, and had
the satisfaction of his most cordial approval. We moved to a
new camp on the Front Royal road, so as to have forage within
reach of our numerous horses; and having located the camp
three miles below the toll-gate, near White Post, John, Willie
Meade, and I came to 'Mountain View' after dark on Saturday.
All delighted to see us. Their great question whether to stay
or not, if our army has to meet McClellan elsewhere and leave
this region again to Yankee banditti. They will stay, I think.

"Rose and the children, Willie, Philip, and I went to church
at Millwood yesterday. Mr. Jones not there, yet a good congregation.
I officiated in my uniform, boots and all, just as I
was, without gown, bands, or other clerical token. The people
seemed interested, and heaven helped me, so that good was, I
trust, done. We are just setting out for camp; a good deal to
do there.

"No development yet. General Lee is working on towards the
passes of the Blue Ridge, in case we should have to meet another
attempt on Richmond by McClellan. Ned Lee I have not seen,
nor Sandie, for some days. We are as distinct as if separated by
half the State."


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". . . It grieves me that you were all so disappointed about my
not going home, but it was better for me to stay. I hope to get
home later if there is not much active campaigning. I am really
well, with a fine appetite, and full of vigor. It is dreadfully dry.
I never saw so much dust.

"All quiet still. When a move will be made, or what, I do not
imagine. At present we are improving in health and gaining
strength daily. Oh, how I long to be with you and the rest!
Rose, Nan, and Lel I have not seen for more than a year. Am
letting the beard grow all over my face. Pretty grizzly,—but a
great saving of work."

On the same day, October 8, Sandie Pendleton wrote his
mother from General Jackson's camp, near Bunker Hill,—

". . . I suppose you are pining for rain and oppressed by the
heat as we are, though you have not the same clouds of dust to
trouble you. It is as hot as midsummer here, and every breath
of air that stirs, instead of bringing coolness, bears as great a
load of dust as ever a wind that blew over the desert of Sahara.
As I look up from this paper I see regiments drilling in the field
two hundred yards from me enveloped in a cloud of dust which
they stir up as they go. I wish we could try a fight with McClellan's
army about Sharpsburg now. The result would be very
different from that of the battle of September 17. Our army is
twenty-five thousand stronger than then, and in far better condition
in every respect. We have been idle now for more than
three weeks, and our generals are not given to inaction. Activity
and motion have gotten to be a necessity for us, as giving some
food to the mind. Now there is nothing to do. Frank Paxton
having charge of the office-work, I have been reading Carlyle's
'Cromwell.' General Jackson is the exact counterpart of Oliver
in every respect, as Carlyle draws him."

Till the 1st of November the army continued in the valley,
watching McClellan and steadily gaining in strength. The difficulty
of obtaining forage continually increased, and all arms of
the service became anxious for active movements. Later in


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October General Pendleton's letters tell of his various important
occupations and continued ill health.

". . . Here we are still, you see. Under General Lee's direction,
I have had the routes over the mountains explored, and the
capacity of Fauquier, Loudoun, etc., for maintaining an army
ascertained and reported to him. . . . My great work of reorganizing
the artillery has been accomplished, and if there is to be
no more active campaigning I can be better spared from camp
now than at most other times.

". . . Mr. Barnwell has just returned from Richmond—whither
I had sent him—with two twenty-pound Parrott rifle guns. I
some time ago assigned two to Poague and two to a battery in
Colonel S. D. Lee's battalion. They were captured at Harper's
Ferry. The two just brought up I keep in this corps under
Captain Lane of Cutts's battalion. These guns, and two English
Whitworths that fire five miles, make our artillery armament for
the field much more formidable than it has ever been before.
The Yankees will not again have their way with us at long
range any more than at close quarters. . . . You will be pained
to hear that I am not so well. Severely troubled for the last
few days with my old complaint. I reckon I shall have to leave
camp to get sound again, if for nothing else. Besides, I have
had a bronchial cold, and now, in addition, have a painful boil
under my right arm. Altogether, some experience of bodily
ills. Yet, on the whole, I am comfortable. . . . My condition
requires the greatest possible care as to diet: a boiled egg, a
little chicken-soup, and rice with toast constitute my subsistence.
I am greatly favored in being able to get them."

". . . I am, as usual, hurried. Have ridden to see General Lee
to-day about various matters; took occasion to hint about recruiting
my strength. He says I mustn't want recruiting; he can't
spare me. I suppose it will not do for me to think of leaving till
winter puts a veto on active movements. I wish we had known
a month ago the army would be here so long, I would have had
you and Rose here at 'Mountain View.'"


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While the artillery had been resting and recruiting in the
camp near White Post, Jackson's corps had been moved to a
point between Winchester and the Blue Ridge, where it could
watch the mountain gaps from Harper's Ferry southward. A
division of Longstreet's corps had also been sent to Upperville,
Loudoun County, to watch the enemy in front. "About the
last of October the Federal army began to incline eastwardly
towards Warrenton."[2] Longstreet's entire corps was therefore
ordered to Culpeper, and General Pendleton with the reserve
artillery was directed to follow.[3]

Of this march and the stay at Culpeper General Pendleton
wrote,—

". . . On Thursday, 30th of October, I received notice to
march Saturday, 1st of November, and at one P.M. of that day
set the column in motion, the road not being clear till then.
That evening, crossing the two branches of the Shenandoah, we
reached and encamped near Front Royal. Tuesday, soon after
mid-day, we arrived here,—are encamped about a mile from the
village, where streams furnish water for our horses and woods
shelter them and ourselves," . . .

". . . Yesterday I was again permitted to preach acceptably
to a large and attractive congregation in Rev. Mr. Cole's church.


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There were a great many officers and soldiers. General Lee and
staff among others. They tell me the army seems in motion. I
have for a day or two anticipated the breaking up of our camp here.

"George, of Oakland, who waits upon us, is very complaining.
He says he is 'broke down' and can't stand being here in this
'wide ocean.' We have, with one and another, quite a small
army of servants about my head-quarters. It is a life they like
vastly. So little to do."

Early in November General Burnside superseded General
McClellan in command of the Army of the Potomac. His
movement towards Fredericksburg soon became apparent. General
Lee therefore sent first a small and then a larger force to
occupy the hills on the south of the town.

When General Sumner with his advance reached Falmouth
on November 17, the only Confederate troops on the opposite
side of the river consisted of one regiment of cavalry, four companies
of Mississippi infantry, and a battery of light artillery.
On that day two divisions of Longstreet's corps,—McLaws's
and Ransom's, with their battalion of artillery,—accompanied
by a brigade of cavalry and Lane's long-range rifle battery from
the reserve artillery, were sent forward to Fredericksburg. On
the 19th General Burnside reported from Falmouth to the
authorities in Washington that six army corps, under Sumner,
Franklin, and Hooker, with several other divisions and a large
cavalry force, had all reached their designated places within
striking distance of Fredericksburg.[4] This great army of one
hundred and thirteen thousand men[5] had in front of it for several
days only the Confederate force mentioned above, as the
rest of Longstreet's corps, with the reserve artillery, did not
move from Culpeper until the 19th. Jackson's corps, which had
come from the valley to Orange Court-House, was not ordered
to Fredericksburg until November 26.

Had General Burnside occupied Fredericksburg and the hills
south of the Rappahannock, as he might have done at first
without opposition, General Lee would have been compelled to
take a defensive position farther back. But as the Federal host


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sat quietly down upon the north side of the river, the Confederate
army took possession of the hills on the south side, and
began at once to strengthen the defensive line they afforded.
"The plain of Fredericksburg is so completely commanded by
the Stafford heights"—crowned by the heavy guns of the enemy
—"that no effectual opposition could be made to the construction
of bridges or the passage of the river without exposing our
troops to the destructive fire of the numerous batteries of the
enemy. At the same time, the narrowness of the Rappahannock,
its winding course, and deep bed presented opportunities for laying
down bridges at points secure from the fire of our artillery."[6]
The Confederate position was therefore "selected with a view to
resist the enemy's advance after crossing; and as the hills were
commanded by the opposite heights, in possession of the enemy,
earthworks were constructed upon their crest at the most eligible
positions for artillery."[7] "These positions were judiciously
chosen, and fortified under the direction of Brigadier-General
Pendleton, chief of artillery, Colonel Cabell, of McLaws's division,
Colonel E. P. Alexander, and Captain S. R. Johnson, of the
engineers."[8]

General Pendleton's letters bring vividly before us the work
and weariness of those days of preparation for the great battle,
and the hardships experienced by the soldiers and the inhabitants
of Fredericksburg and the surrounding country. As it was impossible
for General Lee to prevent the threatened bombardment
of the town, he advised the people to abandon it. And the whole
population, with few exceptions, left their homes to find shelter
where they could.

Winter set in unusually early, and with great severity, and the
intense cold added to the labor of throwing up earthworks, and
increased the sufferings of the army exposed to its rigors day
and night. Provisions were scarce. Tents there were none,
except those used as "head-quarters." Some of the soldiers
were barefooted, and many of them insufficiently clothed. But
they were in good spirits, and bore all their privations with
cheerful fortitude.

Of these things General Pendleton wrote,—


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". . . After a rough march during four or five days of the
past week we arrived here to-day about twelve. Since then have
been busy fixing camps, seeing General Lee, etc. It has been
very little like God's holy day. I have tried to have my own
mind exercised in harmony with the day. I was struck this
evening by a reply made to John by old George. The latter
had been away for an hour or two, no one knew where. On
being reproved, he said he had just learned it was Sunday and
had gone into the bushes to pray.

"What is to turn up here cannot yet be told. The enemy in
very strong force the other side of the river, and two days ago
they summoned the town to surrender. General Longstreet replied,
it would not be surrendered. That our troops would
not enter the place, and General Burnside's should not. They
threatened to shell the place, and accordingly most of the people
have left."

". . . At present the burden of defence here falls necessarily
on the artillery, and hence I have to be very active and busy. No
gun yet fired, but the Yankees on the other side in full force, and
working like beavers planting batteries. We are, of course, energetic
in the same way getting guns in position to keep them
back. To do this systematically requires exact care on my part
to have all the batteries, guns, etc., classified, so that every man
may know his place, and every gun be rendered fully available at
the right point and at the requisite moment. All day Monday I
was out reconnoitring, riding some thirty miles, and yesterday
the same. The Yankees in full view, and we get not only within
cannon-range, but within musket-shot. Just across from Fredericksburg
they have guns planted to rake the streets. If the
enemy makes a serious effort to cross, it will be a hot time. The
artillery fire will be tremendous on both sides. Burnside has a
serious task before him; and, as General Lee said to me pleasantly
this morning, he hopes Burnside will eat his turkey and
plum-pudding elsewhere than in Richmond. I am perfectly well,
although in the woods, and sometimes with only one meal a day.
. . . When I contemplate my own part in the struggle here my


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feelings are solemn, yet trustful and hopeful. He who notes the
fall of every sparrow holds in His hands my life on the battlefield
as everywhere else. And I desire, harder though it then be,
to realize this when the shells crash and the bullets whiz within a
hair's-breadth as when all is quiet and peace around me. It is a
strange position for a servant of the Prince of Peace and a minister
of the Gospel of Peace. But as I do not delight in war, and
would not hurt the hair of the head of any human being save under
conviction of public duty; as by prayer, pleadings, and expostulation
I have earnestly tried for peace, so I trust the blessing of the
peace-maker will not be denied me, though as a soldier of the
Cross I follow the example of old Abraham in endeavoring to defend
my kindred against cruel outrage. As with that instance of
generous indignation and just courage conspicuously in view, the
pattern patriarch is—in the New Testament as well as in the Old
—honored as the father of the faithful and the friend of God, so,
even under the pacific dispensation of the Gospel, the Lord's
faithful servants and children, though they may not individually
avenge themselves, may, with His approval and by His sanction,
wield the sword of society against public wrong-doers seeking to
subvert social right by iniquitous force. He knows how truly I
mourn over the wrongs which have compelled the best people of
the South to resolve on resistance unto death, and how painful to
me the alternative of seeing all that I most value on earth desolated,
or of taking myself an humble part in the endeavor, at whatever
cost, to resist oppression. He sees that I desire in all sincerity
to be a faithful soldier of the Cross, while trying also to be a useful
soldier of a much-wronged country. And He graciously accepts,
I trust, my unworthy services, whatever error, whatever sin be
chargeable against me in this as in other portions of my life. The
blood of Christ cleanseth from all sin. All this, my daughter, not
for you only I write, but for all at home, and as an expression of
my mind when perhaps such utterance may be of value."

". . . This bright, frosty morning, just after our camp breakfast
of fried middling and corn-bread and water, with the addition
of a little butter, the first for ten days, I seat myself to write.
By the way, bacon of any kind in our fare is a great rarity.


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The army is fed by beef, beef, beef, all the time. It is so easy to
get along. A great thing for the eatables of an army to transport
themselves.

"This lovely day all is quiet here, as ever. By and by I shall
ride to the front and take an observation of our amiable friends
across the river. . . . It would grieve you to pass through the
streets of poor old Fredericksburg. All desolate and deserted.
Only here and there do you see anybody. Not a house open;
nothing but desertion and silence. The poor, homeless people
are wanderers on the face of the earth. The Yankees having
threatened to bombard the town, of course all the timid and
helpless moved out as quickly as possible, and hundreds had to
shelter themselves in the woods some miles off as well as they
could. Most have now found refuge with kind friends elsewhere,
but the discomfort of all must be great. Still, they are bravely
patient, even cheerful. Day before yesterday, when I visited the
front, works were going up most busily on both sides. I laid out
some for large guns on our front,—guns just brought up from
Richmond,—thirty-pounder Parrotts, like 'Long Tom,' captured
at Manassas First. . . . We are all pretty hideous now, like so
many wild beasts unshorn. I have not had a razor near my face
for two months. Best friends hardly know me. They stop and
stare when I speak to them, at a loss to determine who it is.
There is no other officer with so much gray beard all over his
face, except General Lee; and though he is grayer, the mistake
is frequently made of taking me for him. We are not far from
the same size and age. He rather older, I rather taller."

". . . To-day has been pretty wintry all day, forming ice, I believe,
in the shade every hour, and to-night it is still more pinching;
yet in my tent we are pretty comfortable, thin as are cotton
walls. Very different is it, however, with many of the poor fellows
in camp. There are still a few unprovided with shoes, more with
inadequate clothing, and all without tents. They manage to eke
out some kind of a shelter, either with oil-cloths or a blanket over
poles, or brushwood covered with leaves. Nor is the exposure
in such weather all. Camp-fare in our fix is an item of life not
without significance. Our breakfast this morning was a piece of


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cold boiled fat middling and corn-bread, washed down with cold
water. It went astonishingly well, tired as we are of interminable
beef. For dinner I preferred a little 'hard bread' and water.
To-night we had the treat of a cup of coffee and some fat cornbread.

. . At this season one of our sorest privations is the impracticability
of any kind of public worship. Had it been at all
possible, I should certainly have officiated to some part of my
command. As it was, 1 could only stay by the fire in my tent.
Bible and Prayer-Book are my only Christian reading. These, of
course, are inestimable, but I feel very much the want of some
others. And to-day I have not been able to enjoy these as much
as I desired, because, mine being the most comfortable tent, most
of my staff spend a good deal of time in it.

"As I am now writing on my knee, with candle propped up
on my bed, old George, having taken refuge from the cold winds
beneath our shelter, lies outstretched near the fire and your uncle
John is in his cot soundly sleeping. Nor is there a single sound
but of the simmering fire before me. You would never imagine
so many thousand men and horses of war were congregated so
near.

"But what of the enemy, you will all wish to know. Just as
they have been for the two weeks we have been here. No doubt
Burnside is sorely puzzled what to do. To attempt crossing the
river in spite of us is a hazard he had better not try. To go elsewhere
'On to Richmond' is a task at this season to try his patience
as well as his nerves, and to stay where he is will probably cost
him as dearly as a lost battle. He had some reason to weep when
McClellan left him in command. Our own term of endurance
here must depend on his movements."

Late in November Jackson's corps had been ordered from the
valley to Fredericksburg. On the 28th of November Sandie
Pendleton wrote to his mother from Orange Court-House,—

"Marching every day has brought us thus far on our way
towards Fredericksburg and the great battle expected. We are
here and ready for our old tramps to the rear. Our corps musters
thirty thousand men for duty, in as fine trim and as eager for


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another fight as I have seen men during the war. We are confident
that we can handle any sixty thousand Burnside has, and, if
Longstreet can do his part, we'll finish this army for them this
winter."

 
[1]

See letter from General Lee.

[2]

General Lee's report.

[3]

In the accompanying order:

Brigadier-General W. N. Pendleton,
Commanding, etc.

General,—General Longstreet's corps will be put in march to Culpeper. General
Jackson's will remain in the valley for the present. His head-quarters are on the
Charlestown and Berryville Turnpike near Long Marsh Run. As soon as Longstreet's
corps passes you, I wish you to follow it with your reserve artillery at a convenient
distance to Culpeper, encamping on your arrival at a suitable distance from
his command, where you can procure shelter, fuel, and subsistence. You must make
arrangements to provide forage, etc., at your camping-grounds on your march. The
reserve ammunition-train will accompany you.

I am, general, very respectfully, your obedient servant,
R. E. Lee,
General.
[4]

Burnside's report, War Records, Washington, D.C.

[5]

Ibid.

[6]

General Lee's report, War Records.

[7]

Ibid.

[8]

Ibid.