University of Virginia Library

A CANDID STATE OF PARTIES.[66]

As it is the business of the contemplative statesman to
trace the history of parties in a free country, so it is the duty
of the citizen at all times to understand the actual state of

them. Whenever this duty is omitted, an opportunity is
given to designing men, by the use of artificial or nominal
distinctions, to oppose and balance against each other those
who never differed as to the end to be pursued, and may no
longer differ as to the means of attaining it. The most interesting
state of parties in the United States may be referred
to three periods: Those who espoused the cause of independence
and those who adhered to the British claims, formed
the parties of the first period; if, indeed, the disaffected class
were considerable enough to deserve the name of a party.
This state of things was superseded by the treaty of peace in
1783. From 1783 to 1787 there were parties in abundance,
but being rather local than general, they are not within the
present review.

The Federal Constitution, proposed in the latter year, gave
birth to a second and most interesting division of the people.

Every one remembers it, because every one was involved in
it.

Among those who embraced the constitution, the great
body were unquestionably friends to republican liberty; tho'

there were, no doubt, some who were openly or secretly
attached to monarchy and aristocracy; and hoped to make
the constitution a cradle for these hereditary establishments.

Among those who opposed the constitution, the great body

were certainly well affected to the union and to good government,
tho' there might be a few who had a leaning unfavourable
to both. This state of parties was terminated by the
regular and effectual establishment of the federal government
in 1788; out of the administration of which, however, has
arisen a third division, which being natural to most political
societies, is likely to be of some duration in ours.

One of the divisions consists of those, who from particular

interest, from natural temper, or from the habits of life, are
more partial to the opulent than to the other classes of society;
and having debauched themselves into a persuasion that
mankind are incapable of governing themselves, it follows
with them, of course, that government can be carried on
only by the pageantry of rank, the influence of money and
emoluments, and the terror of military force. Men of those
sentiments must naturally wish to point the measures of government
less to the interest of the many than of a few, and
less to the reason of the many than to their weaknesses; hoping
perhaps in proportion to the ardor of their zeal, that by
giving such a turn to the administration, the government
itself may by degrees be narrowed into fewer hands, and
approximated to an hereditary form.

The other division consists of those who believing in the
doctrine that mankind are capable of governing themselves,
and hating hereditary power as an insult to the reason and
an outrage to the rights of man, are naturally offended at
every public measure that does not appeal to the understanding
and to the general interest of the community, or that is
not strictly conformable to the principles, and conducive to
the preservation of republican government.

This being the real state of parties among us, an experienced
and dispassionate observer will be at no loss to decide
on the probable conduct of each.

The anti republican party, as it may be called, being the
weaker in point of numbers, will be induced by the most
obvious motives to strengthen themselves with the men of
influence, particularly of moneyed, which is the most active
and insinuating influence. It will be equally their true policy
to weaken their opponents by reviving exploded parties, and
taking advantage of all prejudices, local, political, and occupational,
that may prevent or disturb a general coalition of
sentiments.

The republican party, as it may be termed, conscious that
the mass of people in every part of the union, in every state,
and of every occupation must at bottom be with them, both
in interest and sentiment, will naturally find their account in
burying all antecedent questions, in banishing every other
distinction than that between enemies and friends to republican
government, and in promoting a general harmony among
the latter, wherever residing, or however employed.

Whether the republican or the rival party will ultimately
establish its ascendance, is a problem which may be contemplated
now; but which time alone can solve. On one hand
experience shews that in politics as in war, stratagem is often
an overmatch for numbers; and among more happy characteristics
of our political situation, it is now well understood
that there are peculiarities, some temporary, others more
durable, which may favour that side in the contest. On the
republican side, again, the superiority of numbers is so great,
their sentiments are so decided, and the practice of making
a common cause, where there is a common sentiment and
common interest, in spight of circumstantial and artificial
distinctions, is so well understood, that no temperate observer
of human affairs will be surprised if the issue in the present
instance should be reversed, and the government be administered
in the spirit and form approved by the great body of
the people.