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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

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TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,—Since my last I have recd yours of
Feby. 8, with a continuation of the Gazettes down to
that date, with the exception only mentioned already
of the Gazette of Jany 23. I am glad to find the
public opinion to be taking the turn you describe on
the subject of arming. For the public opinion alone
can now save us from the rash measures of our hotheaded
Executive: it being evident from some late
votes of the House of Reps, particularly in the
choice of Managers for the Impeachment, that a
majority there as well as in the Senate are ready to


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go as far as the controul of their constituents will
permit. There never was perhaps a greater contrast
between two characters than between those of the
present President & his predecessor, altho' it is the
boast & prop of the present that he treads in the
steps of his predecessor. The one cool considerate
& cautious, the other headlong & kindled into flame
by every spark that lights on his passions: the one
ever scrutinizing into the public opinion, and ready
to follow where he could not lead it; the other insulting
it by the most adverse sentiments & pursuits.
W. a hero in the field, yet overweighing every danger
in the Cabinet—A. without a single pretension to the
character of a soldier, a perfect Quixotte as a statesman:
the former chief magistrate pursuing peace
every where with sincerity, tho' mistaking the means;
the latter taking as much pains to get into war, as
the former took to keep out of it. The contrast
might be pursued into a variety of other particulars
—the policy of the one in shunning connections with
the arrangements of Europe, of the other in holding
out the U. S. as a makeweight in the Balances of
power; the avowed exultation of W. in the progress
of liberty every where, & his eulogy on the Revolution
& people of France posterior even to the bloody
reign & fate of Robespierre—the open denunciations
by Adams of the smallest disturbance of the ancient
discipline order & tranquillity of despotism, &c &c
&c. The affair of Lyon & Griswold[122] is bad eno'

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every way, but worst of all in becoming a topic of
tedious & disgraceful debates in Congress. There
certainly could be no necessity for removing it from
the decision of the parties themselves before that
tribunal, & its removal was evidently a sacrifice of
the dignity of the latter to the party manœuvre
of ruining a man whose popularity & activity were
feared. If the state of the House suspended its
rules in general, it was under no obligation to see any
irregularity which did not force itself into public
notice; and if Griswold be a man of the sword, he
shd not have permitted the step to be taken, if not, he
does not deserve to be avenged by the House. No
man ought to reproach another with cowardice,
who is not ready to give proof of his own courage.
I have taken some pains but in vain to find out a
person who will engage to carry the Mail from Fredg.
to Charlottesville. When I was in the neighbourhood
of the latter I suggested the propriety of an
effort there for the purpose, but do not know that
it will be more successful. Our winter has continued
without snow & rather dry, and our Wheat
fields wear the most discouraging aspect.

Adieu.
 
[122]

Griswold called Lyon (not in debate) a coward, whereupon Lyon
spat in Griswold's face and the two engaged in fisticuffs on the floor
of the House.