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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

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TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

MAD. MSS.

Dear Sir,—I have received your favor of Decr
28, but till three weeks after the date of it. It was
my purpose to have answered it particularly, but I
have been robbed of the time reserved for the purpose.
I must of consequence limit myself to a few
lines and to my promise given to the Fresco Painter
to forward you the enclosed letter. Nothing since
my last from Jay or Monroe. The Newspapers as
usual teem with French victories and rumors of
peace. There seem to be very probable indications
of a progress made to this event, except in relation to
G. B. with whom a Duet Campaign is the cry of
France. The Naturalization has not yet got back


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from the Senate.[103] I understand however it will
suffer no material change. They have the prudence
not to touch the nobility clause. The House of
Reps are on the Military estabt & the public debt.
The difficulty & difference of opinion as to the former
produced a motion to request the P. to cause an
estimate of the proper defence &c. It was in its
real meaning, saying we do not know how many
troops ought to be provided by our legislative duty,
and ask your direction. It was opposed as opening
the way for dragging in the weight of the Ex. for
one scale on all party questions—as extorting his
opinion which he shd reserve for his negative, and as
exposing his unpopular opinions to be extorted at

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any time by an unfriendly majority. The prerogative
men chose to take the subject by the wrong
handle, and being joined by the weak men, the resolution
passed. I fancy the Cabinet are embarrassed
on the subject. On the subject of the Debt, the
Treasury faction is spouting on the policy of paying
it off as a great evil, and laying hold of two or three
little excises past last session under the pretext of
war, of claiming more merit for their zeal than
they allow to the opponents of their (pecuniary)
resources. Hamilton has made a long Valedictory
Rept on the subject. It is not yet printed, & I have
not read it. It is said to contain a number of improper
things. He got it in by informing the
Speaker he had one ready, predicated on the actual
revenues, for the House, when they shd please to receive.
Berdinot the ready agent for sycophantic jobs,
had a motion cut & dry just at the moment of
the adjournment, for informing him in the language
applied to the P. on such occasions, that the House
was ready to receive the Rept when he pleased,
which passed without opposition & almost without
notice. H gives out that he is going to N. Y. and
does not mean to return into public life at all.—N.
Jersey has changed all her members except Dayton,
whose zeal agst G. B. saved him. There are not more
than 2 or 3 who are really on all points Repubns
Dexter is under another sweat in his district, and it
is said to be perfectly uncertain whether he or his
Rival competitor will succeed.

Adieu Yrs.
 
[103]

This was the second naturalization law, approved January 29,
1795, which introduced the five years' residence previous to naturalization
and the declaration of intention three years before. It required
also that good character and attachment to the Constitution be established,
and that any title of nobility the applicant might bear must
be renounced. This act was really the parent of our naturalization
system, and its chief author was Madison. The debate extended
from December 22, 1794, to January 8, 1795, Madison making several
short speeches. In the course of the debate (January 1) on the clause
requiring renunciation of titles, Dexter of Massachusetts opposed it,
and ridiculed certain tenets of the Catholic religion, declaring that
priestcraft had done more harm than aristocracy. Madison replied:

". . . He did not approve the ridicule attempted to be thrown
out on the Roman Catholics. In their religion there was nothing
inconsistent with the purest Republicanism. In Switzerland about
one-half of the Cantons were of the Roman Catholic persuasion.
Some of the most Democratical Cantons were so; Cantons where
every man gave his vote for a Representative. Americans had no
right to ridicule Catholics. They had, many of them, proved good
citizens during the Revolution. As to hereditary titles, they were proscribed
by the Constitution. He would not wish to have a citizen
who refused such an oath."—Annals, 3d Cong., 1035.