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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 

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TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

MAD. MSS.
Dear Sir

I dropped you a few lines this morning by a servant
going to George Town with your horse. I had


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not time without detaining him to say more than
that I had your two favors of the 11th Ult. by Mr D.
R. and of the 18th by post. The former was communicated
to Monroe as shall be the latter in case of
opportunity. The conduct of Genet, as developed
in these, and in his proceedings as exhibited in the
newspapers, is as unaccountable as it is distressing.
The effect is beginning to be strongly felt here in the
surprise and disgust of those who are attached to
the French cause, and viewed this minister as the
instrument for cementing instead of alienating, the
two Republics. These sensations are powerfully reinforced
by the general and habitual veneration for
the President. The Anglican party is busy as you
may suppose in making the worst of everything, and
in turning the public feelings against France, and
thence in favor of England. The only antidote for
their poison is to distinguish between the nation &
its agent, between principles and events; and to
impress the well meaning with the fact that the
enemies of France & of Liberty are at work to lead
them from their honorable connection with these
into the arms and ultimately into the Government,
of G. B. If the genuine sense of the people could be
collected on the several points comprehended in the
occasion, the calamity would be greatly alleviated
if not absolutely controlled. But this is scarcely
possible. The Country is too much uninformed, and
too inert to speak for itself; and the language of the
towns which are generally directed by an adverse
interest will insidiously inflame the evil. It is how

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ever of such infinite importance to our own Government
as well as to that of France, that the real
sentiments of the people here should be understood,
that something ought to be attempted on that head.
I inclose a copy of a train of Ideas[92] sketched on the
first rumour of the war between the Ex & Genet, and
particularly suggested by the Richmond Resolutions,
as a groundwork for those who might take the lead
in County meetings. It was intended that they
should be modified in every particular according to
the state of information and the particular temper

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of the place. A copy has been sent to Caroline with
a hope that Mr. P. might find it not improper to step
forward. Another is gone to the District Court at
Staunton in the hands of Monroe, who carried a letter
from me on the subject to A. Stuart; and a third will
be for consideration at the District Ct at Charlottesville.
If these examples should be set, there may
be a chance of like proceedings elsewhere; and in
themselves they will be respectable specimens of the
principles and sensations of the Agricultural which
is the commanding part of the Society. I am not

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sanguine however that the effort will succeed. If it
does not, the State Legislatures, and the federal also
if possible, must be induced to take up the matter in
its true point of view. Monroe & myself read with
attention your despatch by D. R., and had much
conversation on what passed between you & the
P. It appd to both of us that a real anxiety was
marked to retain you in office, that over and above
other motives, it was felt that your presence and
implied sanction might be a necessary shield against
certain criticisms from certain quarters; that the
departure of the only counsellor possessing the confidence
of the Republicans would be a signal for new
& perhaps very disagreeable attacks; that in this
point of view the respectful & conciliatory language
of the P. is worthy of particular attention; and that
it affords a better hope than has existed of your
being able to command attention, and to moderate
the predominant tone. We agreed in opinion also
that whilst this end is pursued, it would be wise to
make as few concessions as possible that might embarrass
the free pursuit of measures which may be
dictated by Repubn principles & required by the
public good. In a word we think you ought to
make the most of the value we perceive to be placed
on your participation in the Ex: Counsels. I am
extremely glad to find that you are to remain another
quarter. The season will be more apropos in several
respects; and it will prevent any co-operation which
a successor might be disposed to make towards a
final breach with France. I have little hope that

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you will have one whose policy will have the same
healing tendency with yours. I foresee, I think,
that it will be either King, if Johnson is put at the
Treasury, or E. Rutlege, if Wolcot should be put
there. I am glad the President rightly infers my
determination from antecedent circumstances, so as
to free me from imputations in his mind connected
with the present state of things. Monroe is particularly
solicitous that you should take the view of
your present position & opportunities above suggested.
He sees so forcibly the difficulty of keeping
the feelings of the people as to Genet distinct from
those due to his Constituents, that he can hardly
prevail on himself, absolutely and openly, to abandon
him. I concur with him that it ought to be done
no farther than is forced upon us, that general silence
is better than open denunciation and crimination;
and that it is not unfair to admit the apologetic influence
of the errors in our own Government which
may have inflamed the passions which now discolor
every object to his eye: such as the refusal in the
outset of the Government, to favor the commerce of
France more than that of G. B.; the unfortunate
appointment of Gouv. M[orris] to the former; the
language of the proclamation, the attempts of
Pacificus to explain away & dissolve the Treaty, the
notoriety of the author, and the appearance of its
being an informal manifestation of the views of the
Ex, &c.

I paid a short visit to Mr. W. [C.] N[icholas,] as I
proposed. He talks like a sound Republican, and


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sincere friend to the French cause in every respect.
I collected from him that E. R. had admitted to him
that he drew the Procln; that he had been attacked
on it at Chatham by Mr. Jos. Jones, that he reprobated
the comment of Pacifi[cu]s, &c. W. N. observed
that H[amilton] had taken the Ex, in by
gaining phrases, of which he could make the use he
has done. The circumstances which derogate from
full confidence in W. N. are 1st. his being embarked in
a variety of projects which call for money, and keep
him in intercourse with the Merchts. of Richd. 2d. his
connection & intimacy with Marshal of whose disinterestedness
as well as understanding he has the
highest opinion. It is said, that Marshal who is at
the head of the great purchase from Fairfax, has
lately obtained pecuniary aids from the Bank or
people connected with it. I think it certain that he
must have felt, in the moment of purchase an absolute
dependence on the monied interest, which will
explain him to every one that reflects, in the active
character he is assuming. I have been obliged to
write this in great haste [illegible] bearer impatiently
waiting the whole time.

I hope you have received the five Nos of Hel[vidius].
I must resume the task I suppose in relation to the
Treaty & gratitude. I feel however so much awkwardness
under the new posture of things that I
shall deliberate whether a considerable postponement
at least may not be advisable. I found, also,
on my return, a house full of particular friends who
will stay some weeks and receive & return visits


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from which I cannot decently exclude myself. If I
sd. perceive it impossible or improper to continue the
publication so as to avail myself of the channel used
to the press, I shall suspend it till I see & talk with
you on the whole matter.

Adieu.
 
[92]

It being considd that it is at all times the right & at certain periods
the duty of the people to declare their principles & opinions on subjts
which concern the Natl inter, that at the prest conjuncture this
duty is rendered the more indispensable by the prevailing practice of
decly resolas, in places where ye. inhabts can more easily assemble &
consult than in the Country at large, and where interests views &
poll opinions different from those of the great body of the people,
may happen to predominate, whence there may be danger of unfair &
delusive inferences concerng the true & general sense of the people. It
being also considd that under the disadvantage a great proportion of
the people labt in their distant & dispersed situation from the want of
timely & correct knowledge of particular incidents, & the conduct
of particular persons connected with public transactions, it is most
prudent & safe, to wait with a decent reserve for full & satisfactory
information in relation thereto, & in public declarations to abide by
those great principles, just sentiments & establd truths wch can be little
affected by personal or transitory occurrences:

Therefore as the sense of the prest Meeting.

Resd, That ye Constitution of the U. S. ought to be firmly & vigilantly
supported agst all direct or indirect attempts that may be made
to subvert or violate the same:

That as it is the interest of the U. S. to cultivate the preservation of
peace by all just and hoñãble means, the Ex. Authy ought to be supported
in ye exercise of its constl powers & functions for enforcing the
laws existing for ye purpose:

That ye eminent virtues & services of our illustrious fellow Citizen
G. W. P. of U. S. entitle him to ye. highest respect & lastg gratitude of
his Country, whose peace liby, & safety must ever remind it of his
distingd agency in promoting the same.

That the eminent & generous aids rendd to the U. S. in their arduous
struggle for liberty by the Fr Nation ought ever to be remd & ackd
with gratitude & that the spectacle exhd by the severe & glorious contest
in which it is now engaged for its own liberty, ought & must be
peculiarly interesting to the wishes, the friendship & the sympathy
of the people of America:

That all attempts which may be made in whatever form or disguise
to alienate the good will of the people of Amera from the cause of liberty
& repubn Govt in F. have a tendency to weaken ye affection to the free
principles of ye own Govt, and manifest designs wch ought to be
narrowly watched & seasonably counteracted

That such attempts to disunite Nations mutually attachd to the
cause of liberty, & viewed with unfriendly eyes by all who hate it,
ought more particularly to be reprobated at the present crisis, when
such vast efforts are making by a combination of Princes & Nobles to
crush an example that may open the eyes of all mankind to their
natl & pol rights:

That a dissolution of the hoñãble & beneficial connection between
the U. S. & F wd obviously tend to forward a plan of connecting ym
with G. B., as one great leadg step towds assimilating our Govt to the
form & spirit of the British Monarchy; and that this apprehension is
greatly strengthd by the active zeal displayed by persons disaffected
to the Amn Revn & by others of known Monarchl principles, in propagating
prejudices agst the French Nation & Revolution.—Mad.
MSS
.