University of Virginia Library

TO THOMAS JEFFERSON.

Dear Sir,—My last answered yours of the 21,
since which I recd on friday last your three favors
of the 29 Ult. of Apl 5 & 6.[124] I have no reason to

suspect that any of your letters have miscarried, or
been opened by the way. I am less able to say
whether mine have all reached you, as I have generally
written them in haste, & neglected to keep a
note of their dates. I will thank you to mention in
your acknowledgement of this, whether you reed one
from me inclosing a letter to F. A. Muhlenburg, &
whether he certainly recd. it. It related to a case of
humanity & required an answer which has never
come to hand.

The effect of the P's speech in F. is less to be wondered
at, than the speech itself, with other follies of
a like tendency is to be deplored. Still the mode &
degree of resisting them is rather meeting folly with
folly, than consulting the true dignity & interest
which ought to prescribe such cases. The conduct
of Taleyrand is so extraordinary as to be scarcely
credible. I do not allude to its depravity, which,
however heinous, is not without examples. Its unparalleled
stupidity is what fills one with astonishment.
Is it possible that a man of sagacity as he is
admitted to be, who has lived long eno. in this Country
to understand the nature of our Govt—who
could not be unaware of the impossibility of secrecy
& the improbability of success in pursuing his propositions
thro' the necessary forms, who must have
suspected the Ex. rather of a wish to seize pretexts
for widening the breach between the two Republics,
than to make use of any means however objectionable
to reconcile their differences; who must have
been equally suspicious of the probable inclination

of some one or other of the Envoys—is it possible,
that such a man under such circumstances, could
have committed both his character & safety, by such
a proposition? If the evidence be not perfectly conclusive,
of which I cannot judge, the decision ought
to be agst the evidence, rather than on the side of the
infatuation. It is easy to foresee however the zeal
& plausibility with which this part of the despatches
will be inculcated, not only for the general purpose
of enforcing the war measures of the Ex. but for the
particular purpose of diverting the public attention
from the other more important part, which shews
the speech & conduct of the P. to be now the great
obstacle to accommodation. This interesting fact
must nevertheless finally take possession of thinking
minds; and strengthen the suspicion, that whilst the
Ex. were pursuing ostensible plans of reconciliation,
and giving instructions which might wear that tendency,
the success of them was indirectly counterworked
by every irritation & disgust for which
opportunities could be found in official speeches &
messages, answers to private addresses harangues in
Congress and the vilest insults & calumnies of Newspapers
under the patronage of Government. The
readiness with which the papers were communicated
& the quarter proposing the call for them, would be
entitled to praise, if a mass of other circumstances
did not force a belief that the view in both, was
more to inflame than to inform the public mind. It
is not improbable that the influence of the first impressions
in checking the rising spirit in N. England,
and bearing up the party of Jay in N. Y. whose reelection
is brought into danger by the pestilent
consequences experienced from his Treaty, had considerable
share in the motive.

The negative declaration proposed by Mr. S.[125] is
liable to so many specious objections, that I shall
be surprised if a willing majority does not take advantage
of them. In ordinary cases, the mode of
proceeding is certainly ineligible. But it seems
equally obvious that cases may arise, for which that
is the proper one. Three of these occur, where there
poes not appear any room to doubt on the subject.
1. where nothing less than a declaration of pacific
intentions from the department entrusted with the
power of war, will quiet the apprehensions of the
constituent body, or remove an uncertainty which
subjects one part of them to the speculating arts of
another. 2. where it may be a necessary antidote
to the hostile measures or language of the Ex. Departmt.
If war sentiments be delivered in a speech
to Congress which admits of a direct answer, & the
sentiments of Congress be against war it is not
doubted that the counter sentiments might & ought
to be expressed in the answer. Where an extra
message delivers like sentiments, and custom does
not permit a like explanation of the sentiments of
the Legislature, there does not appear any equivalent
mode of making it, except that of an abstract
vote. 3. Where public measures or appearances,

may mislead another nation into distrust of the real
object of them, the error ought to be corrected; and
in our Govt.—where the question of war or peace lies
with Congress, a satisfactory explanation cannot
issue from any other Department. In Govts where
the power of deciding on war is an Ex. prerogative
it is not unusual for explanations of this kind to be
given either on the demands of foreign Nations, or
in order to prevent their improper suspicions. Should
a demand of this sort be at any time made on our
Govt.—the answer must proceed, if thro' an Executive
functionary, from the war prerogative, that is,
from Congr—and if an answer could be given, on
demand, a declaration without a demand may certainly
be made with equal propriety, if there be equal
occasion for it. The discovery of Mr. A.'s dislike
to the City of Washington will cause strong emotions.
What sort of conscience is that which feels
an obligation on the Govt to remove thither, and a
liberty to quit it the next day? The objection to
the magnificence of the President's House belongs to
a man of very different principles from those of Mr.
A. The increase of expence therefore without a
probable increase of salary in proportion, must be
the real ground of objection. I have looked over
the two papers which you consider as so threatening
in their tendency.[126] They do not, I own, appear to
me exactly in the same light; nor am I by any
means satisfied that they are from the pen you
ascribe them to. If they are, there certainly has
been a disguise aimed at in many features of the
stile. I differ still more from you as to the source
from which an antidote, if necessary, ought to come.
But waiving every thing of that sort, there is really
a crowd & weight of indispensable occupations, on
my time, which it would be very tedious to explain,
but wch I pledge myself, will justify me in leaving
such tasks to others, not only commanding more
time for them, but in every respect more favorably
situated for executing them with advantage &
effect. And it is with no small pleasure I observe
that some pens are employed which promise the
public all the lights with respect to their affairs,
which can be conveyed to them thro' the channels
of the press.

It is now become certain that not half crops of
wheat can be made. Many will not get back more
than their seed, & some not even that. We have
lately had a severe spell of N. E. rain, which in this
neighbourhood swept off at least 15 Per Ct. of the
Cattle; and from accts in different directions it appears
to have been equally fatal. We are at present
in the midst of a cold N. W. spell, which menaces the
fruit. The tops of the Blue Mountains are tinged
with snow, & the Thermr this morning was at 31°.
It does not appear however that the mischief is yet
done. The coming night, if no sudden change takes
place, must, I think, be fatal.

If Mr. Bailey has not yet taken up his note, be so
good as to have the inclosed forwarded to him.