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The writings of James Madison,

comprising his public papers and his private correspondence, including numerous letters and documents now for the first time printed.
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

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Wednesday June 13. in Committee of the whole
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 

Wednesday June 13.[75] in Committee of the
whole

Resol: 9 being resumed

The latter parts of the clause relating to the jurisdiction
of the Natl. tribunals, was struck out nem.
con in order to leave full room for their organization.

Mr. Randolph & Mr. Madison, then moved the following
resolution respecting a National Judiciary,


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viz "that the jurisdiction of the National Judiciary
shall extend to cases, which respect the collection
of the national revenue, impeachments of any
national officers, and questions which involve the
national peace and harmony" which was agreed to.

Mr. Pinkney & Mr. Sherman moved to insert after
the words "one supreme tribunal" the words "the
Judges of which to be appointed by the National
Legislature."

Mr. Madison, objected to an appt.. by the whole
Legislature. Many of them were incompetent Judges
of the requisite qualifications. They were too much
influenced by their partialities. The candidate
who was present, who had displayed a talent for
business in the legislative field, who had perhaps
assisted ignorant members in business of their own,


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or of their Constituents, or used other winning means,
would without any of the essential qualifications for
an expositor of the laws prevail over a competitor
not having these recommendations, but possessed of
every necessary accomplishment. He proposed that
the appointment should be made by the Senate,
which as a less numerous & more select body, would
be more competent judges, and which was sufficiently
numerous to justify such a confidence in them.

Mr. Sharman & Mr. Pinkney withdrew their
motion, and the appt. by the Senate was agd. to nem.
con.

Mr. Gerry moved to restrain the Senatorial branch
from originating money bills. The other branch was
more immediately the representatives of the people,
and it was a maxim that the people ought to hold
the Purse-strings. If the Senate should be allowed
to originate such bills, they wd. repeat the experiment,
till chance should furnish a sett of representatives
in the other branch who will fall into their
snares.

Mr. Butler saw no reason for such a discrimination.
We were always following the British Constitution
when the reason of it did not apply. There
was no analogy between the H. of Lords and the
body proposed to be established. If the Senate
should be degraded by any such discriminations, the
best men would be apt to decline serving in it in
favor of the other branch. And it will lead the
latter into the practice of tacking other clauses to
money bills.


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Mr. Madison observed that the Comentators on
the Brit: Const: had not yet agreed on the reason of
the restriction on the H. of L. in money bills. Certain
it was there could be no similar reason in the
case before us. The Senate would be the representatives
of the people as well as the 1st. branch. If
they sd. have any dangerous influence over it, they
would easily prevail on some member of the latter
to originate the bill they wished to be passed. As
the Senate would be generally a more capable sett
of men, it wd. be wrong to disable them from any preparation
of the business, especially of that which was
most important, and in our republics, worse prepared
than any other. The Gentleman in pursuance of
his principle ought to carry the restraint to the
amendment, as well as the originating of money
bills, since, an addition of a given sum wd. be equivalent
to a distinct proposition of it.

Mr. King differed from Mr. Gerry, and concurred
in the objections to the proposition.

Mr. Read favored the proposition, but would not
extend the restraint to the case of amendments.

Mr. Pinkney thinks the question premature. If
the Senate shd. be formed on the same proportional
representation as it stands at present, they sd. have
equal power, otherwise if a different principle sd.
be introduced.

Mr. Sherman. As both branches must concur,
there can be no danger whichever way the Senate
be formed. We establish two branches in order to
get more wisdom, which is particularly needed in


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the finance business—The Senate bear their share
of the taxes, and are also the representatives of the
people. What a man does by another, he does by
himself is a maxim. In Cont. both branches can
originate in all cases, and it has been found safe &
convenient. Whatever might have been the reason
of the rule as to The H. of Lords, it is clear that no
good arises from it now even there.

Genl. Pinkney. This distinction prevails in S.
C. and has been a source of pernicious disputes
between ye. 2 branches. The Constitution is now
evaded, by informal schedules of amendments handed
from ye. Senate to the other House.

Mr. Williamson wishes for a question chiefly to
prevent re-discussion. The restriction will have
one advantage, it will oblige some member in the
lower branch to move, & people can then mark him.

On the question for excepting money bills, as
propd. by Mr. Gerry, Mass. no. Cont. no. N. Y.
ay. N. J. no. Del. ay. Md. no. Va. ay. N. C. no.
S. C. no. Geo. no.[76]

Committee rose & Mr. Ghorum made report,
which was postponed till tomorrow, to give an opportunity
for other plans to be proposed, the report
was in the words following:

Report of the Committee of Whole on Mr. Randolph's
propositions.

    1.

  • Resd. that it is the opinion of this Committee


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    that a National Governmt. ought to be established,
    consisting of a supreme Legislative, Executive &
    Judiciary.

  • 2.

  • Resold. that the National Legislature ought to
    consist of two branches.

  • 3.

  • Resd. that the members of the first branch of
    the National Legislature ought to be elected by the
    people of the several States for the term of three
    years, to receive fixed Stipends by which they may
    be compensated for the devotion of their time to
    public service, to be paid out of the National Treasury:
    to be ineligible to any office established by a
    particular State, or under the authority of the U.
    States, (except those peculiarly belonging to the
    functions of the first branch), during the term of
    service, and under the national Government for the
    Space of one year after its expiration.

  • 4.

  • Resd. that the members of the second branch
    of the Natl. Legislature ought to be chosen by the
    individual Legislatures, to be of the age of 30 years
    at least, to hold their offices for a term sufficient to
    ensure their independency, namely, seven years, to
    receive fixed stipends by which they may be compensated
    for the devotion of their time to public service
    to be paid out of the National Treasury; to be
    ineligible to any office established by a particular
    State, or under the authority of the U. States, (except
    those peculiarly belonging to the functions of
    the second branch) during the term of service, and
    under the Natl. Govt. for the space of one year after
    its expiration.


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    5.

  • Resd. that each branch ought to possess the
    right of originating Acts

  • 6.

  • Resd. that the Natl. Legislature ought to be
    empowered to enjoy the Legislative rights vested in
    Congs. by the Confederation, and moreover to legislate
    in all cases to which the separate States are incompetent;
    or in which the harmony of the U. S.
    may be interrupted by the exercise of individual
    legislation; to negative all laws passed by the
    several States contravening in the opinion of the
    National Legislature the articles of Union, or any
    treaties subsisting under the authority of the
    Union.

  • 7.

  • Resd. that the rights of suffrage in the 1st. branch
    of the National Legislature, ought not to be according
    to the rule established in the articles of confederation
    but according to some equitable ratio of
    representation, namely, in proportion to the whole
    number of white & other free citizens & inhabitants,
    of every age sex and condition, including those
    bound to servitude for a term of years, & three fifths
    of all other persons, not comprehended in the foregoing
    description, except Indians not paying taxes
    in each State.

  • 8.

  • Resolved that the right of suffrage in the 2d.
    branch of the National Legislature ought to be according
    to the rule established for the first.

  • 9.

  • Resolved that a National Executive be instituted
    to consist of a single person, to be chosen by
    the Natl. Legislature for the term of seven years,
    with power to carry into execution the national laws,


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    to appoint to offices in cases not otherwise provided
    for—to be ineligible a second time, & to be removeable
    on impeachment and conviction of malpractices or
    neglect of duty—to receive a fixed stipend by which
    he may be compensated for the devotion of his time
    to public service to be paid out of the national
    Treasury.

  • 10.

  • Resold. that the Natl. Executive shall have a
    right to negative any Legislative Act, which shall
    not be afterwards passed unless by two thirds of
    each branch of the National Legislature.

  • 11.

  • Resold. that a Natl. Judiciary be established,
    to consist of one supreme tribunal, the Judges of
    which to be appointed by the 2d. branch of the Natl.
    Legislature, to hold their offices during good behaviour,
    & to receive punctually at stated times a fixed
    compensation for their services, in which no increase
    or diminution shall be made, so as to affect the persons
    actually in office at the time of such increase or
    diminution.

  • 12.

  • Resold. that the Natl. Legislature be empowered
    to appoint inferior Tribunals.

  • 13.

  • Resd. that the jurisdiction of the Natl. Judiciary
    shall extend to all cases which respect the collection
    of the Natl. revenue, impeachments of any
    Natl. Officers, and questions which involve the national
    peace & harmony.

  • 14.

  • Resd. that provision ought to be made for the
    admission of States lawfully arising within the limits
    of the U. States, whether from a voluntary junction
    of Government & territory or otherwise, with the


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    consent of a number of voices in the Natl. Legislature
    less than the whole,

  • 15.

  • Resd. that provision ought to be made for the
    continuance of Congress and their authorities and
    privileges untill a given day after the reform of the
    articles of Union shall be adopted and for the completion
    of all their engagements.

  • 16.

  • Resd. that a Republican Constitution & its
    existing laws ought to be guaranteed to each State
    by the U. States.

  • 17.

  • Resd. that provision ought to be made for the
    amendment of the Articles of Union whensoever it
    shall seem necessary.

  • 18.

  • Resd. that the Legislative, Executive & Judiciary
    powers within the several States ought to be
    bound by oath to support the articles of Union.

  • 19.

  • Resd. that the amendments which shall be
    offered to the confederation by the Convention ought
    at a proper time or times after the approbation of
    Congs. to be submitted to an Assembly or Assemblies
    recommended by the several Legislatures to be
    expressly chosen by the people to consider and decide
    thereon.

 
[75]

Edward Carrington wrote to Madison from New York, June 13,
1787:

"The public mind is now on the point of a favourable turn to the
objects of your meeting, and, being fairly met with the result, will, I
am persuaded, eventually embrace it—being calculated for the permanent
fitness, and not the momentary habits of the country, it may
at first be viewed with hesitation, but derived and patronized as it
will be, its influence must extend into an adoption as the present
fabric gives way—the work once well done will be done forever, but
patched up in accommodation to the whim of the day, it will soon require
the hand of the cobbler again, and in every unfortunate experiment
the materials are rendered the less fit for that monument of
civil liberty which we wish to erect.—Constitute a federal Government,
invigorate & check it well—give it then independent powers over the
Trade the Revenues, and force of the Union, and all things that involve
any relationship to foreign powers—give it also the revisal of all
State acts—unless it possesses a compleat controul over the State
Governments, the constant effort will be to resume the delegated
powers,—nor do I see what inducement the federal sovereignty can
have to negative an innocent act of a State—Constitute it in such
shape that, its first principles being preserved, it will be a good republic
—I wish to see that system have a fair experiment—but let the
liability to encroachment be rather from the federal, than the State,
governments—in the first case we shall insensibly glide into a monarchy:
in the latter nothing but anarchy can be the consequence.

"Some Gentlemen think of a total surrender of the State Sovereignty
—I see not the necessity of that measure for giving us national stability
in consequence—the negative of the federal sovereignty will effectually
prevent the existence of any licentious or inconsiderate act—and I
believe that even under a new monarchy it would be found necessary
thus to continue the local administration—general Laws would operate
many particular [undecipherable] and a general legislature would be
found incompetent to the formation of local ones—the interest of the
United States may be well combined for the common good—but the
affairs of so extensive a country are not to be thrown into one mass—
an attempt to confederate upon terms materially opposed to the particular
Interests would in all probability occasion a dismemberment,
and in that event, within a long time yet to come, the prospects of
commerce will be at an end as to any degree of national importance,
let her fate be what it may as to freedom or vassalage."—Mad. MSS.

[76]

According to the Journal (121) Pennsylvania was among the
noes.