University of Virginia Library

Neptune.

Verse 35.

]

Eustathius informs us, that the Ancients were very much divided upon this Passage of Homer. Some have criticised it, and others have answer'd their Criticism; but he reports nothing more than the Objection, without transmitting the Answer to us. Those who condemned Homer, said Jupiter was for the Trojans; he saw the Greeks were the strongest, so permitted the Gods to declare themselves and go to the Battel. But therein that God is deceived, and does not gain his Point; for the Gods who favour the Greeks being stronger than those who favour the Trojans, the Greeks will still have the same Advantage. I do not know what Answer the Partisans of Homer made, but for my part, I think this Objection is more ingenious than solid. Jupiter does not pretend that the Trojans shou'd be stronger than the Greeks, he has only a mind that the Decree of Destiny should be executed. Destiny had refused to Achilles the Glory of taking Troy, but if Achilles fights singly against the Trojans, he is capable of forcing Destiny; as Homer has already elsewhere said, that there had been brave Men who had done so. Whereas if the Gods took part, tho those who followed the Grecians were stronger than those who were for the Trojans, the latter wou'd however be strong enough to support Destiny, and to hinder Achilles from making himself Master of Troy: This was Jupiter's sole View. Thus is this Passage far from being blameable, it is on the contrary very beautiful, and infinitely glorious for Achilles. Dacier.

Verse 41.

]

Mons. de la Motte criticizes on this Passage, as thinking it absurd and contradictory to Homer's own System, to imagine, that what Fate had ordained should not come to pass. Jupiter here seems to fear that Troy will be taken this very Day in spite of Destiny, υπερ μορον M. Boivin answers, that the Explication hereof depends wholly upon the Principles of the ancient Pagan Theology and their Doctrine concerning Fate. It is certain, according to Homer and Virgil, that which Destiny had decreed did not constantly happen in the precise Time mark'd by Destiny, the fatal Moment was not to be retarded, but might be hastened: For example, that of the Death of Dido was advanced by the Blow she gave herself; her Hour was not then come.

Every violent Death was accounted υπερ μορον that is, before the fated Time, or (which is the same thing) against the natural Order, turbato mortalitatis ordine, as the Romans express'd it. And the same might be said of any Misfortunes which Men drew upon themselves by their own ill Conduct. (See the 37th Note on lib. 16.) In a word, it must be allowed that it was not easy, in the Pagan Religion, to form the justest Ideas upon a Doctrine so difficult to be clear'd; and upon which it is no great wonder if a Poet should not always be perfectly consistent with himself, when it has puzzel'd such a Number of Divines and Philosophers.

Verse 44.

&c.]

Eustathius has a very curious Remark upon this Division of the Gods in Homer, which M. Dacier has entirely borrowed (as indeed no Commentator ever borrowed more, or acknowledg'd less, than she has every where done from Eustathius.) This Division, says he, is not made at random, but founded upon very solid Reasons, drawn from the Nature of those two Nations. He places on the Side of the Greeks all the Gods who preside over Arts and Sciences, to signify how much in that Respect the Greeks excell'd all other Nations. Juno, Pallas, Neptune, Mercury and Vulcan are for the Greeks; Juno, not only as the Goddess who presides over Marriage, and who is concern'd to revenge an Injury done to the nuptial Bed, but likewise as the Goddess who represents Monarchical Government, which was better establish'd in Greece than any where else; Pallas, because being the Goddess of War and Wisdom, she ought to assist those who are wrong'd; besides the Greeks understood the Art of War better than the Barbarians; Neptune, because he was an Enemy to the Trojans upon account of Laomedon's Perfidiousness, and because most of the Greeks being come from the Islands or Peninsula's they were in some sort his Subjects; Mercury, because he is a God who presides over Stratagems of War, and because Troy was taken by that of the wooden Horse; and lastly Vulcan, as the declared Enemy of Mars and of all Adulterers, and as the Father of Arts.

Verse 52. Mars, fiery-helm'd, the Laughter loving Dame.] The Reasons why Mars and Venus engage for the Trojans are very obvious; the Point in hand was to favour Ravishers and Debauchees. But the same Reason, you will say, does not serve for Apollo, Diana and Latona. It is urg'd that Apollo is for the Trojans, because of the Darts and Arrows which were the principal Strength of the Barbarians; and Diana, because she presided over Dancing, and those Barbarians were great Dancers; and Latona, as influenc'd by her Children. Xanthus being a Trojan River is interested for his Countrey. Eustathius.

Verse 75. Above the Sire of Gods, &c.] “The Images (says Longinus) which Homer gives of the Combate of the Gods, have in 'em something prodigiously great and magnificent. We see in these Verses, the Earth open'd to its very Center, Hell ready to disclose itself, the whole Machine of the World upon the Point to be destroyed and overturn'd: To shew that in such a Conflict, Heaven and Hell, all Things mortal and immortal, the whole Creation in short was engag'd in this Battel, and all the Extent of Nature in Danger.”

Madam Dacier rightly observes that this Copy is inferior to the Original on this account, that Virgil has made a Comparison of that which Homer made an Action. This occasions an infinite Difference, which is easy to be perceiv'd.

One may compare with this noble Passage of Homer, the Battel of the Gods and Giants in Hesiod's Theogony, which is one of the sublimest Parts of that Author; and Milton's Battel of the Angels in the sixth Book: The Elevation, and Enthusiasm of our great Countryman seems owing to this Original.

Verse 91. First silver shafted Phœbus took the Plain, &c.] With what Art does the Poet engage the Gods in this Conflict! Neptune opposes Apollo, which implies that Things moist and dry are in continual Discord: Pallas fights with Mars, which signifies that Rashness and Wisdom always disagree: Juno is against Diana, that is, nothing more differs from a Marriage State, than Celibacy: Vulcan engages Xanthus, that is, Fire and Water are in perpetual Variance. Thus we have a fine Allegory conceal'd under the Veil of excellent Poetry, and the Reader receives a double Satisfaction at the same time from beautiful Verses, and an instructive Moral. Eustathius.

Verse 119. Already have I met, &c.] Eustathius remarks that the Poet lets no Opportunity pass of inserting into his Poem the Actions that preceded the tenth Year of the War, especially the Actions of Achilles the Hero of it. In this place he brings in Æneas extolling the Bravery of his Enemy and confessing himself to have formerly been vanquish'd by him: At the same time he preserves a peice of ancient History by inserting into the Poem the Hero's Conquest of Pedasus and Lyrnessus.

Verse 121. From Ida's Woods he chas'd us— But Jove assisting I surviv'd.] It is remarkable that Æneas owed his Safety to his Flight from Achilles, but it may seem strange that Achilles who was so fam'd for his Swiftness, should not be able to overtake him, even with Minerva for his Guide. Eustathius answers, that this might proceed from the better Knowledge Æneas might have of the Ways and Defiles: Achilles being a Stranger, and Æneas having long kept his Father's Flocks in those Parts.

He farther observes, that the Word φαος discovers that it was in the Night that Achilles pursu'd Æneas.

Verse 174. Advanc'd upon the Field there stood a Mound, &c.] It may not be unnecessary to explain this Passage to make it understood by the Reader: The Poet is very short in the Description, as supposing the Fact already known, and hastens to the Combat between Achilles and Æneas. This is very judicious in Homer not to dwell on a piece of History that had no relation to his Action, when he has rais'd the Reader's Expectation by so pompous an Introduction, and made the Gods themselves his Spectators.

The Story is as follows. Laomedon having defrauded Neptune of the Reward he promis'd him for the building the Walls of Troy, Neptune sent a monstrous Whale, to which Laomedon exposed his Daughter Hesione: But Hercules having undertaken to destroy the Monster, the Trojans rais'd an Intrenchment to defend Hercules from his Pursuit: This being a remarkable piece of Conduct in the Trojans, it gave occasion to the Poet to adorn a plain Narration with Fiction by ascribing the Work to Pallas the Goddess of Wisdom.

Verse 180. Here Neptune, and the Gods, &c.] I wonder why Eustathius and all other Commentators should be silent upon this Recess of the Gods: It seems strange at the first view, that so many Deities, after having enter'd the Scene of Action, shou'd perform so short a Part, and immediately become themselves Spectators? I conceive the reason of this Conduct in the Poet to be, that Achilles has been inactive during the greatest part of the Poem; and as he is the Hero of it, ought to be the chief Character in it: The Poet therefore withdraws the Gods from the Field that Achilles may have the whole Honour of the Day, and not act in subordination to the Deities: Besides, the Poem now draws to a Conclusion, and it is necessary for Homer to enlarge upon the Exploits of Achilles, that he may leave a noble Idea of his Valour upon the Mind of the Reader.

Verse 214, &c. The Conversation of Achilles and Æneas .] I shall lay before the Reader the Words of Eustathius in defence of this Passage, which I confess seems to me to be faulty in the Poet. The Reader (says he) would naturally expect some great and terrible Atchievements should ensue from Achilles upon his first entrance upon Action. The Poet seems to prepare us for it, by his magnificent Introduction of him into the Field: But instead of a Storm, we have a Calm; he follows the same Method in this Book as he did in the third, where when both Armies were ready to engage in a general Conflict, he ends the Day in a single Combate between two Heroes: Thus he always agreeably surprizes his Readers. Besides the Admirers of Homer reap a farther Advantage from this Conversation of the Heroes: There is a Chain of ancient History as well as a Series of poetical Beauties.

Madam Dacier's Excuse is very little better: And to shew that this is really a Fault in the Poet, I believe I may appeal to the Taste of every Reader who certainly finds himself disappointed: Our Expectation is rais'd to see Gods and Heroes engage, when suddenly it all sinks into such a Combat in which neither Party receive a Wound; and (what is more extraordinary) the Gods are made the Spectators of so small an Action! What occasion was there for Thunder, Earthquakes, and descending Deities, to introduce a Matter of so little Importance? Neither is it any Excuse to say he has given us a peice of ancient History; We expected to read a Poet, not an Historian. In short, after the greatest Preparation for Action imaginable, he suspends the whole Narration, and from the Heat of a Poet, cools at once into the Simplicity of an Historian.

Verse 258.

Plato and Strabo understand this Passage as favouring the Opinion that the Mountainous Parts of the World were first inhabited, after the universal Deluge; and that Mankind by degrees descended to dwell in the lower parts of the Hills (which they would have the Word υπωρεια signify) and only in greater process of Time ventur'd into the Valleys: Virgil however seems to have taken this Word in a Sense something different where he alludes to this Passage.

Verse 262. Three thousand Mares, &c.] The Number of the Horses, and Mares of Ericthonius may seem incredible, were we not assured by Herodotus that there were in the Stud of Cyrus at one time (besides those for the Service of War) eight hundred Horses and six thousand six hundred Mares. Eustathius.

Verse 264. Boreas, enamour'd, &c.] Homer has the Happiness of making the least Circumstance considerable; the Subject grows under his Hands, and the plainest Matter shines in his Dress of Poetry: Another Poet would have said these Horses were as swift as the Wind, but Homer tells you that they sprung from Boreas the God of Wind; and thence drew their Swiftness.

Verse 270. These lightly skimming, as they swept the Plain.] The Poet illustrates the Swiftness of these Horses by describing them as running over the standing Corn, and Surface of Waters, without making any Impression. Virgil has imitated these Lines, and adapts what Homer says of these Horses to the Swiftness of Camilla. Æn. 7. 809

The Reader will easily perceive that Virgil's is almost a literal Translation: He has imitated the very run of the Verses, which flow nimbly away in Dactyls, and as swift as the Wind they describe.

I cannot but observe one thing in favour of Homer, that there can no greater Commendation be given to him, than by considering the Conduct of Virgil: who, tho' undoubtedly the greatest Poet after him, seldom ventures to vary much from his Original in the Passages he takes from him, as in a Despair of improving, and contented if he can but equal them.

Verse 280. To bear the Cup of Jove .]

To be a Cup-bearer has in all Ages and Nations been reckon'd an honourable Employment: Sappho mentions it in honour of her Brother Larichus, that he was Cup-bearer to the Nobles of Mitylene: The Son of Menelaus executed the same Office, Hebe and Mercury serv'd the Gods in the same Station.

It was the Custom in the Pagan Worship to employ noble Youths to pour the Wine upon the Sacrifice: In this Office Ganymede might probably attend upon the Altar of Jupiter, and from thence was fabled to be his Cup-bearer.

Verse 339. But Ocean's God, &c.] The Conduct of the Poet in making Æneas owe his Safety to Neptune in this place is remarkable: Neptune is an Enemy to the Trojans, yet he dares not suffer so pious a Man to fall, lest Jupiter should be offended: This shews, says Eustathius, that Piety is always under the Protection of God; and that Favours are sometimes conferred not out of Kindness, but to prevent a greater Detriment; thus Neptune preserves Æneas, lest Jupiter should revenge his Death upon the Grecians.

Verse 345. And can ye see this righteous Chief, &c.] Tho' Æneas is represented a Man of great Courage, yet his Piety is his most shining Character: This is the reason why he is always the Care of the Gods, and they favour him constantly thro' the whole Poem with their immediate Protection.

'Tis in this Light that Virgil has presented him to the View of the Reader: His Valour bears but the second Place in the Æneis. In the Ilias indeed he is drawn in Miniature, and in the Æneis in full Length; but there are the same Features in the Copy, which are in the Original, and he is the same Æneas in Rome as he was in Troy.

Verse 355.

The Story of Æneas his founding the Roman Empire gave Virgil the finest Occasion of paying a Complement to Augustus, and his Countrymen, who were fond of being thought the Descendants of Troy. He has translated these two Lines literally, and put them in the nature of a Prophecy; as the Favourers of the Opinion of Æneas's sailing into Italy, imagine Homer's to be.

There has been a very ancient Alteration made (as Strabo observes) in these two Lines by substituting παντεσσι in the room of τρωεσσι. It is not improbable but Virgil might give occasion for it, by his cunctis dominabitur oris.

Eustathius does not entirely discountenance this Story: If it be understood, says he, as a Prophecy, the Poet might take it from the Sibylline Oracles. He farther remarks that the Poet artfully interweaves into his Poem not only the things which happen'd before the Commencement, and in the Prosecution of the Trojan War; but other Matters of Importance which happen'd even after that War was brought to a Conclusion. Thus for instance, we have here a peice of History not extant in any other Author, by which we are inform'd that the House of Æneas succeeded to the Crown of Troas, and to the Kingdom of Priam. Eustathius.

This Passage is very considerable, for it ruins the famous Chimæra of the Roman Empire, and of the Family of the Cæsars, who both pretended to deduce their Original from Venus by Æneas, alledging that after the taking of Troy, Æneas came into Italy, and this Pretension is hereby actually destroy'd. This Testimony of Homer ought to be look'd upon as an authentick Act, the Fidelity and Verity whereof cannot be questioned. Neptune, as much an Enemy as he is to the Trojans, declares that Æneas, and after him his Posterity, shall reign over the Trojans. Wou'd Homer have put this Prophecy in Neptune's Mouth, if he had not known that Æneas did not leave Troy, that he reigned therein, and if he had not seen in his Time the Descendants of that Prince reign there likewise? That Poet wrote 260 Years, or thereabouts, after the taking of Troy, and what is very remarkable he wrote in some of the Towns of Ionia, that is to say, in the Neighbourhood of Phrygia, so that the Time and Place give such a Weight to his Deposition that nothing can invalidate it. All that the Historians have written concerning Æneas's Voyage into Italy, ought to be consider'd as a Romance, made on purpose to destroy all historical Truth, for the most ancient is posterior to Homer by many Ages. Before Dionysius of Halicarnassus, some Writers being sensible of the Strength of this Passage of Homer, undertook to explain it so as to reconcile it with this Fable, and they said that Æneas, after having been in Italy, return'd to Troy, and left his Son Ascanius there. Dionysius of Halicarnassus, little satisfy'd with this Solution, which did not seem to him to be probable, has taken another Method: He would have it that by these Words, “He shall reign over the Trojans, Homer meant, he shall reign over the Trojans whom he shall carry with him into Italy. “Is it not possible, says he, that Æneas should reign over the Trojans, whom he had taken with him, though settled elsewhere?

That Historian, who wrote in Rome itself, and in the very Reign of Augustus, was willing to make his Court to that Prince, by explaining this Passage of Homer so as to favour the Chimæra he was possess'd with. And this is a Reproach that may with some Justice be cast on him; for Poets may by their Fictions flatter Princes and welcome: 'Tis their Trade. But for Historians to corrupt the Gravity and Severity of History, to substitute Fable in the place of Truth, is what ought not to be pardon'd. Strabo was much more religious, for though he wrote his Books of Geography towards the Beginning of Tiberius's Reign, yet he had the Courage to give a right Explication to this Passage of Homer, and to aver, that this Poet said, and meant, that Æneas remain'd at Troy, that he reign'd therein, Priam's whole Race being extinguish'd, and that he left the Kingdom to his Children after him. lib. 13. You may see this whole Matter discuss'd in a Letter from the famous M. Bochart to M. de Segrais, who has prefix'd it to his Remarks upon the Translation of Virgil. Dacier.

Verse 467.

&c.]

In Helice, a Town of Achaia, three quarters of a League from the Gulph of Corinth, Neptune had a magnificent Temple where the Ionians offer'd every Year to him a Sacrifice of a Bull; and it was with these People an auspicious Sign, and a certain Mark, that the Sacrifice would be accepted, if the Bull bellow'd as it was led to the Altar. After the Ionic Migration, which happen'd about 140 Years after the taking of Troy, the Ionians of Asia assembled in the Fields of Priene to celebrate the same Festival in honour of Heliconian Neptune; and as those of Priene valued themselves upon being originally of Helice, they chose for the King of the Sacrifice a young Prienian. It is needless to dispute from whence the Poet has taken his Comparison; for as he liv'd a 100, or 120 Years after the Ionic Migration, it cannot be doubted but he took it in the Asian Ionia, and at Priene itself; where he had doubtless often assisted at that Sacrifice, and been Witness of the Ceremonies therein observed. This Poet always appears strongly addicted to the Customs of the Ionians, which makes some conjecture that he was an Ionian himself. Eustathius. Dacier.

Verse 471. Then fell on Polydore his vengeful Rage.] Euripides in his Hecuba has follow'd another Tradition when he makes Polydorus the Son of Priam, and of Hecuba, and makes him slain by Polymnestor King of Thrace, after the taking of Troy; for according to Homer, he is not the Son of Hecuba, but of Laothoe, as he says in the following Book, and is slain by Achilles: Virgil too has rather chosen to follow Euripides than Homer.

Verse 489. Full in Achilles dreadful Front he came.] The great Judgment of the Poet in keeping the Character of his Hero is in this place very evident: When Achilles was to engage Æneas he holds a long Conference with him, and with Patience bears the Reply of Æneas: Had he pursu'd the same Method with Hector, he had departed from his Character. Anger is the prevailing Passion in Achilles: He left the Field in a Rage against Agamemnon, and enter'd it again to be reveng'd of Hector: The Poet therefore judiciously makes him take Fire at the sight of his Enemy: He describes him as impatient to kill him, he gives him a haughty Challenge, and that Challenge is comprehended in a single Line: His Impatience to be reveng'd, would not suffer him to delay it by a Length of Words.

Verse 513. But present to his Aid Apollo .] It is a common Observation that a God should never be introduced into a Poem but where his Presence is necessary. And it may be ask'd why the Life of Hector is of such Importance that Apollo should rescue him from the Hand of Achilles here, and yet suffer him to fall so soon after? Eustathius answers, that the Poet had not yet sufficiently exalted the Valour of Achilles, he takes time to enlarge upon his Atchievements, and rises by degrees in his Character, till he completes both his Courage and Resentment at one Blow in the Death of Hector. And the Poet, adds he, pays a great Complement to his favourite Countryman, by shewing that nothing but the Intervention of a God could have sav'd Æneas and Hector from the Hand of Achilles.

Verse 541.

]

I confess it is a Satisfaction to me, to observe with what Art the Poet pursues his Subject. The opening of the Poem professes to treat of the Anger of Achilles; that Anger draws on all the great Events of the Story: And Homer at every Opportunity awakens the Reader to an Attention to it, by mentioning the Effects of it: So that when we see in this place the Hero deaf to Youth, and Compassion, it is what we expect: Mercy in him would offend, because it is contrary to his Character. Homer proposes him not as a Pattern for Imitation; but the Moral of the Poem which he design'd the Reader should draw from it, is, that we should avoid Anger, since it is ever pernicious in the Event.

Verse 580. The trampling Steers beat out the unnumber'd Grain.] In Greece, instead of threshing the Corn as we do, they caus'd it to be trod out by Oxen; this was likewise practis'd in Judæa, as is seen by the Law of God, who forbad the Jews to muzzle the Ox who trod out the Corn, Non ligabis os bovis terentis in areâ fruges tuas. Deuteron. 25. Dacier.

The self same Practice is still preserved among the Turks and modern Greeks.