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Verse 2. Thro' the Scæan Gate.] This Gate is not here particularized by Homer, but it appears by the 393d Verse of the sixth Book that it could be no other. Eustathius takes notice of the Difference of the Words εξεσσυτο and κιε, the one apply'd to Hector, the other to Paris: by which the Motion of the former is described as an impetuous sallying forth, agreeable to the Violence of a Warrior; and that of the latter as a calmer Movement, correspondent to the gentler Character of a Lover. But perhaps this Remark is too refined, since Homer plainly gives Paris a Character of Bravery in what immediately precedes and follows this Verse.

Verse 5. As when to Sailors, &c,] This Simile makes it plain that the Battel had relax'd during the Absence of Hector in Troy; and consequently that the Conversation of Diomed and Glaucus in the former Book, was not (as Homer's Censurers would have it) in the Heat of the Engagement.

Verse 23. When now Minerva , &c,] This Machine of the two Deities meeting to part the Armies is very noble. Eustathius tells us it is an allegorical Minerva and Apollo: Minerva represents the prudent Valour of the Greeks, and Apollo who stood for the Trojans, the Power of Destiny: So that the Meaning of the Allegory may be, that the Valour and Wisdom of the Greeks had now conquer'd Troy, had not Destiny withstood. Minerva therefore complies with Apollo, an Intimation that Wisdom can never oppose Fate. But if you take them in the literal Sense as a real God and Goddess, it may be ask'd what Necessity there was for the Introduction of two such Deities? To this Eustathius answers, that the last Book was the only one in which both Armies were destitute of the Aid of the Gods: In Consequence of which there is no gallant Action atchiev'd, nothing extraordinary done, especially after the Retreat of Hector; but here the Gods are again introduced to usher in a new Scene of great Actions. The same Author offers this other Solution: Hector finding the Trojan Army overpower'd, considers how to stop the Fury of the present Battel; this he thinks may best be done by the Proposal of a single Combate: Thus Minerva by a very easy and natural Fiction may signify that Wisdom or Courage (she being the Goddess of both) which suggests the Necessity of diverting the War; and Apollo, that seasonable Stratagem by which he effected it.

Verse 37. Vengeful Goddesses.] Υμιν αθανωτησι in this Place must signify Minerva and Juno, the Word being of the feminine Gender. Eustathius.

Verse 48. Sage Helenus their sacred Counsels knew.] Helenus was the Priest of Apollo, and might therefore be suppos'd to be informed of this by his God, or taught by an Oracle that such was his Will. Or else being an Augur, he might learn it from the Flight of those Birds, into which the Deities are here feigned to transform themselves, (perhaps for that Reason, as it would be a very Poetical manner of expressing it.) The Fiction of these Divinities sitting on the Beech-Tree in the Shape of Vulturs, is imitated by Milton in the fourth Book of Paradise Lost, where Satan leaping over the Boundaries of Eden sits in the Form of a Cormorant upon the Tree of Life.

Verse 57. For not this Day shall end thy glorious Date.] Eustathius justly observes that Homer here takes from the Greatness of Hector's Intrepidity, by making him foreknow that he should not fall in this Combate; whereas Ajax encounters him without any such Encouragement. It may perhaps be difficult to give a Reason for this Management of the Poet, unless we ascribe it to that commendable Prejudice, and honourable Partiality he bears his Countrymen, which makes him give a Superiority of Courage to the Heroes of his own Nation.

Verse 60. Then with his Spear restrain'd the Youth of Troy, Held by the midst athwart.—] The Remark of Eustathius here is observable: He tells us that the Warriors of those Times (having no Trumpets, and because the Voice of the loudest Herald would be drown'd in the Noise of a Battel) address'd themselves to the Eyes, and that grasping the middle of the Spear denoted a Request that the Fight might a while be suspended; the holding the Spear in that Position not being the Posture of a Warrior; and thus Agamemnon understands it without any farther Explication. But however it be, we have a lively Picture of a General who stretches his Spear across, and presses back the most advanced Soldiers of his Army.

Verse 71. As when a gen'ral Darkness, &c.] The thick Ranks of the Troops composing themselves, in order to sit and hear what Hector was about to propose, are compared to the Waves of the Sea that are just stirr'd by the West Wind; the Simile partly consisting in the Darkness and Stillness. This is plainly different from those Images of the Sea, given us on other Occasions, where the Armies in their Engagement and Confusion are compared to the Waves in their Agitation and Tumult: And that the contrary is the Drift of this Simile appears particularly from Homer's using the Word ειατο, sedebant, twice in the Application of it. All the other Versions seem to be mistaken here: What caused the Difficulty was the Expression ορνυμενοιο νεον which may signify the West Wind blowing on a sudden, as well as first rising. But the Design of Homer was to convey an Image both of the gentle Motion that arose over the Field from the Helmets and Spears before their Armies were quite settled; and of the Repose and Awe which ensued, when Hector began to speak.

Verse 79. Hear all ye Trojan, all ye Grecian Bands.] The Appearance of Hector, his formal Challenge, and the Affright of the Greeks upon it, have a near Resemblance to the Description of the Challenge of Goliah in the first Book of Samuel, Ch. 17. And he stood and cried to the Armies of Israel—Chuse you a Man for you, and let him come down to me. If he be able to fight with me, and to kill me, then will we be your Servants: but if I prevail against him, and kill him, then shall ye be our Servants.—When Saul and all Israel heard the Words of the Philistine, they were dismayed, and greatly afraid, &c.

There is a fine Air of Gallantry and Bravery in this Challenge of Hector. If he seems to speak too vainly, we should consider him under the Character of a Challenger, whose Business it is to defy the Enemy. Yet at the same time we find a decent Modesty in his manner of expressing the Conditions of the Combate: He says simply, If my Enemy kills me; but of himself, If Apollo grant me Victory. It was an Imagination equally agreeable to a Man of Generosity and a Lover of Glory, to mention the Monument to be erected over his vanquish'd Enemy; tho' we see he considers it not so much an Honour paid to the Conquer'd as a Trophie to the Conqueror. It was natural too to dwell most upon the Thought that pleas'd him best, for he takes no notice of any Monument that should be raised over himself if he should fall unfortunately. He no sooner allows himself to expatiate, but the Prospect of Glory carries him away thus far beyond his first Intention, which was only to allow the Enemy liberty to inter their Champion with Decency.

Verse 96. On Phœbus' Temple I'll his Arms bestow.] It was the Manner of the Ancients to dedicate Trophies of this kind to the Temples of the Gods. The particular Reason for consecrating the Arms in this Place to Apollo, is not only as he was the constant Protector of Troy, but as this Thought of the Challenge was inspired by him.

Verse 98. Greece on the Shore shall raise a Monument.] Homer took the Hint of this from several Tombs of the ancient Heroes who had fought at Troy, remaining in his time upon the Shore of the Hellespont. He gives that Sea the Epithet broad, to distinguish the particular Place of those Tombs, which was on the Rhœtean or Sigæan Coast, where the Hellespont (which in other Parts is narrow) opens itself to the Ægean Sea. Strabo gives an Account of the Monument of Ajax near Rhœteum, and of Achilles at the Promontory of Sigæum. This is one among a thousand Proofs of our Author's exact Knowledge in Geography and Antiquities. Time (says Eustathius) has destroy'd those Tombs which were to have preserv'd Hector's Glory, but Homer's Poetry more lasting than Monuments and Proof against against Ages, will for ever support and convey it to the latest Posterity.

Verse 105. All Greece astonish'd heard.] It seems natural to enquire, why the Greeks, before they accepted Hector's Challenge, did not demand Reparation for the former Treachery of Pandarus, and insist upon delivering up the Author of it; which had been the shortest way for the Trojans to have wip'd off that Stain: It was very reasonable for the Greeks to reply to this Challenge, that they could not venture a second single Combate for fear of such another insidious Attempt upon their Champion. And indeed I wonder that Nestor did not think of this Excuse for his Countrymen, when they were so backward to engage. One may make some sort of answer to this, if we consider the Clearness of Hector's Character, and his Words at the beginning of the foregoing Speech, where he first complains of the Revival of the War as a Misfortune common to them both (which is at once very artful and decent) and lays the blame of it upon Jupiter. Tho', by the way, his charging the Trojans Breach of Faith upon the Deity looks a little like the reasoning of some modern Saints in the Doctrine of absolute Reprobation, making God the Author of Sin, and may serve for some Instance of the Antiquity of that false Tenet.

Verse 109. Women of Greece ! &c.] There is a great deal deal of Fire in this Speech of Menelaus, which very well agrees with his Character and Circumstances. Methinks while he speaks one sees him in a Posture of Emotion, pointing with Contempt at the Commanders about him. He upbraids their Cowardice, and wishes they may become (according to the litteral Words) Earth and Water: that is, be resolved into those Principles they sprung from, or die. Thus Eustathius explains it very exactly from a Verse he cites of Zenophanes.

Παντες γαρ γαιηστε και υδατος εκγενομεσθα.

Verse 131. Ev'n fierce Achilles learn'd his Force to fear.] The Poet every where takes occasion to set the brotherly Love of Agamemnon toward Menelaus in the most agreeable Light: When Menelaus is wounded, Agamemnon is more concern'd than He; and here dissuades him from a Danger, which he offers immediately after to undertake himself. He makes use of Hector's superior Courage to bring him to a Compliance; and tells him that even Achilles dares not engage with Hector. This (says Eustathius) is not true, but only the Affection for his Brother thus breaks out into a kind Extravagance. Agamemnon likewise consults the Honour of Menelaus, for it will be no Disgrace to him to decline encountering a Man whom Achilles himself is afraid of. Thus he artfully provides for his Safety and Honour at the same time.

Verse 135. The mightiest Warrior, &c.] It cannot with Certainty be concluded from the Words of Homer, who is the Person to whom Agamemnon applies the last Lines of this Speech; the Interpreters leave it as undetermin'd in their Translations as it is in the Original. Some would have it understood of Hector, that the Greeks would send such an Antagonist against him, from whose Hands Hector might be glad to escape. But this Interpretation seems contrary to the plain Design of Agamemnon's Discourse, which only aims to deter his Brother from so rash an Undertaking as engaging with Hector. So that instead of dropping any Expression which might depreciate the Power or Courage of this Hero, he endeavours rather to represent him as the most formidable of Men, and dreadful even to Achilles. This Passage therefore will be most consistent with Agamemnon's Design, if it be consider'd as an Argument offer'd to Menelaus, at once to dissuade him from the Engagement, and to comfort him under the Appearance of so great a Disgrace as refusing the Challenge; by telling him that any Warrior, how bold and intrepid soever, might be content to sit still and rejoice that he is not expos'd to so hazardous an Engagement. The Words αικε φυγησι Δηιου εκ πολεμοιο, signify not to escape out of the Combate (as the Translators take it) but to avoid entring into it.

The Phrase of γονυ καμψειν, which is literally to bend the Knee, means (according to Eustathius) to rest, to sit down, καθεσθηναι, and is used so by Æschylus in Prometheo. Those Interpreters were greatly mistaken who imagin'd it signify'd to kneel down, to thank the Gods for escaping from such a Combate; whereas the Custom of kneeling in Prayer (as we before observ'd) was not in use among these Nations.

Verse 145. The Speech of Nestor .] This Speech, if we consider the Occasion of it, could be made by no Person but Nestor. No young Warrior could with Decency exhort others to undertake a Combate which himself declin'd. Nothing could be more in his Character than to represent to the Greeks how much they would suffer in the Opinion of another old Man like himself. In naming Peleus he sets before their Eyes the Expectations of all their Fathers, and the Shame that must afflict them in their old Age if their Sons behaved themselves unworthily. The Account he gives of the Conversations he had formerly held with that King, and his Jealousy for the Glory of Greece, is a very natural Picture of the warm Dialogues of two old Warriors upon the Commencement of a new War. Upon the whole, Nestor never more displays his Oratory than in this Place: You see him rising with a Sigh, expressing a pathetick Sorrow, and wishing again for his Youth that he might wipe away this Disgrace from his Country. The Humour of Story-telling, so natural to old Men, is almost always mark'd by Homer in the Speeches of Nestor. The Apprehension that their Age makes them contemptible, puts them upon repeating the brave Deeds of their Youth. Plutarch justifies the Praises Nestor here gives himself, and the Vaunts of his Valour, which on this Occasion were only Exhortations to those he address'd them to: By these he restores Courage to the Greeks who were astonish'd at the bold Challenge of Hector, and causes nine of the Princes to rise and accept it. If any Man had a right to commend himself, it was this venerable Prince, who in relating his own Actions did no more than propose Examples of Virtue to the Young. Virgil, without any such softening Qualification, makes his Hero say of himself,

Sum pius Æneas, fama super æthera notus.

And comfort a dying Warrior with these Words,

Æneæ magni dextra cadis. ------

The same Author also imitates the Wish of Nestor for a Return of his Youth, where Evander cries out,

O mihi præteritos referat si Jupiter annos!
Qualis eram, cum primam aciem Præneste sub ipsa
Stravi, scutorumque incendi Victor acervos,
Et regem hac Herilum dextra sub Tartara misi!

As for the Narration of the Arcadian War introduced here, it is a Part of the true History of those Times, as we are inform'd by Pausanias.

Verse 177. Those Arms which Mars before Had giv'n.] Homer has the peculiar Happiness of being able to raise the obscurest Circumstance into the strongest Point of Light. Areithous had taken these Arms in Battel, and this gives occasion to our Author to say they were the Present of Mars. Eustathius.

Verse 188. Prone fell the Giant o'er a Length of Ground.] Nestor's insisting upon this Circumstance of the Fall of Ereuthalion, which paints his vast Body lying extended on the Earth, has a particular Beauty in it, and recalls into the old Man's Mind the Joy he felt on the Sight of his Enemy after he was slain. These are the fine and natural Strokes that give Life to the Descriptions of Poetry.

Verse 195. And nine, the noblest, &c.] In this Catalogue of the nine Warriors, who offer themselves as Champions for Greece, one may take notice of the first and the last who rises up. Agamemnon advanced foremost, as it best became the General, and Ulysses with his usual Caution took time to deliberate till seven more had offer'd themselves. Homer gives a great Encomium of the Eloquence of Nestor in making it produce so sudden an Effect; especially when Agamemnon, who did not proffer himself before, even to save his Brother, is now the first that steps forth: One would fancy this particular Circumstance was contrived to shew, that Eloquence has a greater Power than even Nature itself.

Verse 207. Let the Lots decide.] This was a very prudent Piece of Conduct in Nestor: he does not chuse any of these nine himself, but leaves the Determination entirely to Chance. Had he named the Hero, the rest might have been griev'd to have seen another prefer'd before them; and he well knew that the Lot could not fall upon a wrong Person, where all were valiant. Eustathius.

Verse 208. Whom Heav'n shall chuse, be his the Chance to raise. His Country's Fame, his own immortal Praise.] The Original of this Passage is somewhat confused; the Interpreters render it thus: Cast the Lots, and he who shall be chosen, if he escapes from this dangerous Combate, will do an eminent Service to the Greeks, and also have cause to be greatly satisfied himself. But the Sense will appear more distinct and rational if the Words ουτος and αυτος be not understood of the same Person: and the Meaning of Nestor will then be, he who is chosen for the Engagement by the Lot, will do his Country great Service, and he likewise who is not, will have reason to rejoice for escaping so dangerous a Combate. The Expression αικε φυγησι Δηια εκ πολεμοιο, is the same Homer uses in V. 118, 119. of this Book, which we explain'd in the same Sense in Note 15.

Verse 212. The People pray.] Homer who supposes every thing on Earth to proceed from the immediate Disposition of Heaven, allows not even the Lots to come up by Chance, but places them in the Hands of God. The People pray to him for the Disposal of them, and beg that Ajax, Diomed, or Agamemnon may be the Person. In which the Poet seems to make the Army give his own Sentiments, concerning the Preference of Valour in his Heroes, to avoid an odious Comparison in downright Terms, which might have been inconsistent with his Design of complementing the Grecian Families. They afterwards offer up their Prayers again, just as the Combate is beginning, that if Ajax does not conquer, at least he may divide the Glory with Hector; in which the Commentators observe Homer prepares the Readers for what is to happen in the Sequel.

Verse 224. Surveys th'Inscription.] There is no Necessity to suppose that they put any Letters upon these Lots, at least

not their Names, because the Herald could not tell to whom the Lot of Ajax belong'd, till he claim'd it himself. It is more probable that they made some private Mark or Signet each upon his own Lot. The Lot was only a Piece of Wood, a Shell, or any thing that lay at hand. Eustathius.

Verse 226. Warriors! I claim the Lot.] This is the first Speech of Ajax in the Iliad. He is no Orator, but always expresses himself in short, generally bragging, or threatning, and very positive. The Appellation of ερκος Αχαιων, the Bulwark of the Greeks, which Homer almost constantly gives him, is extremely proper to the Bulk, Strength, and Immobility of this heavy Hero, who on all Occasions is made to stand to the Business, and support the Brunt. These Qualifications are given him, that he may last out, when the rest of the chief Heroes are wounded. This makes him of excellent Use in Iliad 13, &c. He there puts a Stop to the whole Force of the Enemy, and a long time prevents the firing of the Ships. It is particularly observable that he is never assisted by any Deity as the others are. Yet one would think Mars had been no improper Patron for him, there being some Resemblance in the boisterous Character of that God and this Hero. However it be, this Consideration may partly account for a Particular which else might very well raise a Question: Why Ajax, who is in this Book superior in Strength to Hector, should afterward in the Iliad shun to meet him, and appear his Inferior? We see the Gods make this difference: Hector is not only assisted by them in his own Person, but his Men second him, whereas those of Ajax are dispirited by Heaven: To which one may add another which is a natural Reason, Hector in this Book expresly tells Ajax he will now make use of no Skill or Art in Fighting with him. The Greek in bare brutal Strength prov'd too hard for Hector, and therefore he might be suppos'd afterwards to have exerted his Dexterity against him.

Verse 250. He moves to Combate, &c.] This Description is full of the sublime Imagery so peculiar to our Author. The Grecian Champion is drawn in all that terrible Glory with which he equals his Heroes to the Gods: He is no less dreadful than Mars moving to Battel to execute the Decrees of Jove upon Mankind, and determine the Fate of Nations. His March, his Posture, his Countenance, his Bulk, his Tow'r-like Shield, in a word, his whole Figure strikes our Eyes in all the strongest Colours of Poetry. We look upon him as a Deity, and are not astonish'd at those Emotions which Hector feels at the Sight of him.

Verse 268. The Work of Tychius .] I shall ask leave to transcribe here the Story of this Tychius, as we have it in the ancient Life of Homer attributed to Herodotus. “Homer falling into Poverty, determined to go to Cuma, and as he past thro' the Plain of Hermus, came to a Place called The New Wall, which was a Colony of the Cumæans. Here (after he had recited five Verses in Celebration of Cuma ) he was received by a Leather-dresser, whose Name was Tychius, into his House, where he shew'd to his Host and his Company, a Poem on the Expedition of Amphiaraus, and his Hymns. The Admiration he there obtain'd procur'd him a present Subsistance. They shew to this Day with great Veneration the Place where he sate when he recited his Verses, and a Poplar which they affirm to have grown there in his Time.” If there be any thing in this Story, we have reason to be pleas'd with the grateful Temper of our Poet, who took this Occasion of immortalizing the Name of an ordinary Tradesman, who had obliged him. The same Account of his Life takes notice of several other Instances of his Gratitude in the same kind.

Verse 269. In Arts of Armoury.] I have called Tychius an Armourer rather than a Leather-dresser or Currier; his making the Shield of Ajax authorizes one Expression as well as the other; and tho' that which Homer uses had no Lowness or Vulgarity in the Greek, it was not to be admitted into English heroic Verse.

Verse 272. Hector, approach my Arm, &c.] I think it needless to observe how exactly this Speech of Ajax corresponds with his blunt and Soldier-like Character. The same Propriety, in regard to this Hero, is maintained throughout the Iliad. The Business he is about is all that employs his Head, and he speaks of nothing but Fighting. The last Line is an Image of his Mind at all times,

No more—be sudden, and begin the Fight.

Verse 284. Me, as a Boy or Woman, would'st thou fright?] This Reply of Hector seems rather to allude to some Action Ajax had used in his Approach to him, as shaking his Spear, or the like, than to any thing he had said in his Speech. For what he had told him amounts to no more than that there were several in the Grecian Army who had courted the Honour of this Combate as well as himself. I think one must observe many things of this kind in Homer, that allude to the particular Attitude or Action in which the Author supposes the Person to be at that time.

Verse 289. Turn, charge, and answer ev'ry Call of War.] The Greek is, To move my Feet to the Sound of Mars , which seems to shew that those military Dances were in Use even in Homer's Time, which were afterwards practised in Greece.

Verse 304. From their bor'd Shields the Chiefs their Javelins drew.] Homer in this Combate makes his Heroes perform all their Exercises with all sorts of Weapons; first darting Lances at distance, then advancing closer, and pushing with Spears, then casting Stones, and lastly attacking with Swords; in every one of which the Poet gives the Superiority to his Countryman. It is farther observable (as Eustathius remarks) that Ajax allows Hector an Advantage in throwing the first Spear.

Verse 326. Apollo's Might.] In the beginning of this Book we left Apollo perch'd upon a Tree, in the Shape of a Vultur, to behold the Combate: He comes now very opportunely to save his Favourite Hector. Eustathius says that Apollo is the same with Destiny, so that when Homer says Apollo sav'd him, he means no more than that it was not his Fate yet to die, as Helenus had foretold him.

Verse 331. Heralds, the sacred Ministers, &c.] The Heralds of old were sacred Persons, accounted the Delegates of Mercury, and inviolable by the Law of Nations. The ancient Histories have many Examples of the Severity exercised against those who committed any Outrage upon them. Their Office was to assist in the Sacrifices and Councils, to proclaim War or Peace, to command Silence at Ceremonies or single Combates, to part the Combatants, and to declare the Conqueror, &c.

Verse 332. Divine Talthybius , &c.] This Interposition of the two Heralds to part the Combatants, on the Approach of the Night, is apply'd by Tasso to the single Combate of Tancred and Argantes in the sixth Book of his Jerusalem. The Herald's Speech, and particularly that remarkable Injunction to Obey the Night, are translated literally by that Author. The Combatants there also part not without a Promise of meeting again in Battel, on some more favourable Opportunity.

Verse 335. And first Idæus .] Homer observes a just Decorum in making Idæus the Trojan Herald speak first, to end the Combate wherein Hector had the Disadvantage. Ajax is very sensible of this Difference, when in his Reply he requires that Hector should first ask for a Cessation, as he was the Challenger. Eustathius.

Verse 348. O first of Greeks , &c.] Hector, how hardly soever he is prest by his present Circumstance, says nothing to obtain a Truce that is not strictly consistent with his Honour. When he praises Ajax, it lessens his own Disadvantage, and he is careful to extol him only above the Greeks, without acknowledging him more valiant than himself or the Trojans: Hector is always jealous of the Honour of his Country. In what follows we see he keeps himself on a level with his Adversary; Hereafter we shall meet.—Go thou, and give the same Joy to thy Grecians for thy Escape, as I shall to my Trojans . The Point of Honour in all this is very nicely preserved.

Verse 360. Who wearies Heav'n with Vows for Hector's Life.] Eustathius gives many Solutions of the Difficulty in these Words, Θειον αγωνα: They mean either that the Trojan Ladies will pray to the Gods for him (αγωνιως, or certatim) with the utmost Zeal and Transport; or that they will go in Procession to the Temples for him (εις θειον αγωνα, cœtum Deorum;) or that they will pray to him as to a God, οσα θεω τινι ευξονται μοι.

Verse 362. Exchange some Gift.] There is nothing that gives us a greater Pleasure in reading an heroic Poem, than the Generosity, which one brave Enemy shews to another. The Proposal made here by Hector, and so readily embraced by Ajax, makes the Parting of these two Heroes more glorious to them than the Continuance of the Combate had been. A French Critick is shock'd at Hector's making Proposals to Ajax with an Air of Equality; he says a Man that is vanquish'd, instead of talking of Presents, ought to retire with Shame from his Conqueror. But that Hector was vanquish'd is by no means to be allowed; Homer had told us that his Strength was restored by Apollo, and that the two Combatants were engaging again upon equal Terms with their Swords. So that this Criticism falls to nothing. For the rest, 'tis said that this Exchange of Presents between Hector and Ajax gave Birth to a Proverb, that the Presents of Enemies are generally fatal. For Ajax with this Sword afterwards killed himself, and Hector was dragg'd by this Belt at the Chariot of Achilles.

Verse 387. Before great Ajax plac'd the mighty Chine.] This is one of those Passages that will naturally fall under the Ridicule of a true modern Critick. But what Agamemnon here bestows on Ajax was in former Times a great Mark of Respect and Honour: Not only as it was customary to distinguish the Quality of their Guests by the Largeness of the Portions assigned them at their Tables, but as this Part of the Victim peculiarly belong'd to the King himself. It is worth remarking on this Occasion, that the Simplicity of those Times allowed the eating of no other Flesh but Beef, Mutton, or Kid. This is the Food of the Heroes of Homer, and the Patriarchs and Warriors of the Old Testament. Fishing and Fowling were the Arts of more luxurious Nations, and came much later into Greece and Israel.

One cannot read this Passage without being pleased with the wonderful Simplicity of the old heroic Ages. We have here a gallant Warrior returning victorious (for that he thought himself so, appears from those Words κεχαρηοτα νικη) from a single Combate with the bravest of his Enemies; and he is no otherwise rewarded than with a larger Portion of the Sacrifice at Supper. Thus an upper Seat or a more capacious Bowl was a Recompence for the greatest Actions; and thus the only Reward in the Olympic Games was a Pine-Branch, or a Chaplet of Parsley or wild Olive. The latter Part of this Note belongs to Eustathius.

Verse 399. While we to Flames, &c.] There is a great deal of Artifice in this Counsel of Nestor of burning the Dead and raising a Fortification; for tho' Piety was the specious Pretext, their Security was the real Aim of the Truce, which they made use of to finish their Works. Their doing this at the same time they erected the Funeral Piles, made the Imposition easy upon the Enemy, who might naturally mistake one Work for the other. And this also obviates a plain Objection, viz. Why the Trojans did not interrupt them in this Work? The Truce determined no exact Time, but as much as was needful for discharging the Rites of the Dead.

I fancy it may not be unwelcome to the Reader to enlarge a little upon the way of disposing the Dead among the Ancients. It may be proved from innumerable Instances that the Hebrews interred their Dead; thus Abraham's Burying-place is frequently mentioned in Scripture: And that the Ægyptians did the same is plain from their embalming them. Some have been of Opinion that the Usage of Burning the Dead was originally to prevent any Outrage to the Bodies from their Enemies; which Imagination is render'd not improbable by that Passage in the first Book of Samuel, where the Israelites burn the Bodies of Saul and his Sons after they had been misused by the Philistines, even tho' their common Custom was to bury their Dead. And so Sylla among the Romans was the first of his Family who order'd his Body to be burnt, for fear the Barbarities he had exercised on that of Marius might be retaliated upon his own. Tully de legibus, lib. 2. Proculdubio cremandi ritus a Græcis venit, nam sepultum legimus Numam ad Anienis fontem; totique genti Corneliæ solenne fuisse sepulcrum, usque ad Syllam, qui primus ex ea gente crematus est. The Greeks used both ways of interring and burning; Patroclus was burned, and Ajax lay'd in the Ground, as appears from Sophocles's Ajax, lin. 1185.

Σπευσον κοιλην καπετον τιν' ιδειν
Τω δε ταφον. ------

Hasten (says the Chorus) to prepare a hollow Hole, a Grave for this Man.

Thucidydes in his second Book mentions λαρνακας κυπαρισσινας: Coffins or Chests made of Cypress Wood, in which the Athenians kept the Bones of their Friends that dy'd in the Wars.

The Romans derived from the Greeks both these Customs of burning and burying: In Urbe neve Sepelito neve Urito , says the Law of the Twelve Tables. The Place where they burn'd the Dead was set apart for this religious Use, and called Glebe; from which Practice the Name is yet apply'd to all the Grounds belonging to the Church.

Plutarch observes that Homer is the first who mentions one general Tomb for a Number of dead Persons. Here is a Tumulus built round the Pyre, not to bury their Bodies, for they were to be burn'd; nor to receive the Bones, for those were to be carry'd to Greece; but perhaps to inter their Ashes, (which Custom may be gather'd from a Passage in Iliad 23. V. 255.) or it might be only a Cenotaph in Remembrance of the Dead.

Verse 415. The Trojan Peers in nightly Council sate.] There is a great Beauty in the two Epithets Homer gives to this Council, δεινη, τετρηχυια, timida, turbulenta. The unjust side is always fearful and discordant. I think M. Dacier has not entirely done Justice to this Thought in her Translation. Horace seems to have accounted this an useful and necessary Part, that contain'd the great Moral of the Iliad, as may be seen from his selecting it in particular from the rest, in his Epistle to Lollius.

Verse 441. The rev'rend Priam rose.] Priam rejects the wholsome Advice of Antenor, and complies with his Son. This is indeed extremely natural to the indulgent Character and easy Nature of the old King, of which the whole Trojan War is a Proof; but I could wish Homer had not just in this Place celebrated his Wisdom in calling him Θεοφιν μηστωρ αταλαντος. Spondanus refers this Blindness of Priam to the Power of Fate, the Time now approaching when Troy was to be punish'd for its Injustice. Something like this weak Fondness of a Father is described in the Scripture in the Story of David and Absalom.

Verse 450. Next let a Truce be ask'd.] The Conduct of Homer in this Place is remarkable: He makes Priam propose in Council to send to the Greeks to ask a Truce to bury the Dead. This the Greeks themselves had before determined to propose: But it being more honourable to his Country, the Poet makes the Trojan Herald prevent any Proposition that could be made by the Greeks. Thus they are requested to do what they themselves were about to request, and have the Honour to comply with a Proposal which they themselves would otherwise have taken as a Favour. Eustathius.

Verse Each at his Post in Arms.] We have here the manner of the Trojans taking their Repast: Not promiscuously, but each at his Post. Homer was sensible that military Men ought not to remit their Guard, even while they refresh themselves, but in every Action display the Soldier. Eustathius.

Verse 460. The Speech of Idæus .] The Proposition of restoring the Treasures, and not Helen, is sent as from Paris only; in which his Father seems to permit him to treat by himself as a Sovereign Prince, and the sole Author of the War. But the Herald seems to exceed his Commission in what he tells the Greeks. Paris only offer'd to restore the Treasures he took from Greece, not including those he brought from Sidon and other Coasts, where he touch'd in his Voyage: But Idæus here proffers all that he brought to Troy. He adds, as from himself, a Wish that Paris had perish'd in that Voyage. Some ancient Expositors suppose those Words to be spoken aside, or in a low Voice, as it is usual in Dramatic Poetry. But without that Salvo, a generous Love for the Welfare of his Country might transport Idæus into some warm Expressions against the Author of its Woes. He lays aside the Herald to act the Patriot, and speaks with a noble Indignation against Paris, that he may Influence the Grecian Captains to give a favourable Answer. Eustathius.

Verse 474. The Greeks gave ear, but none the Silence broke.] This Silence of the Greeks might naturally proceed from their Opinion that however desirous they were to put an end to this long War, Menelaus would never consent to relinquish Helen, which was the thing insisted upon by Paris. Eustathius accounts for it in another manner, and it is from him M. Dacier has taken her Remark. The Princes (says he) were silent, because it was the Part of Agamemnon to determine in Matters of this Nature; and Agamemnon is silent, being willing to hear the Inclinations of the Princes. By this means he avoided the Imputation of exposing the Greeks to Dangers for his Advantage and Glory; since he only gives the Answer which is put into his Mouth by the Princes, with the general Applause of the Army.

Verse 476. Oh take not, Greeks! &c.] There is a peculiar Decorum in making Diomed the Author of this Advice, to reject even Helen herself if she were offer'd; this had not agreed with an amorous Husband like Menelaus, nor with a cunning Politician like Ulysses, nor with a wise old Man like Nestor. But it is proper to Diomed, not only as a young fearless Warrior, but as he is in particular an Enemy to the Interests of Venus.

Verse 506. And lay'd along the Cars.] These probably were not Chariots, but Carriages; for Homer makes Nestor say in V. 332. that this was to be done with Mules and Oxen, which were not commonly join'd to Chariots, and the word κυκλησομεν there, may be apply'd to any Vehicle that runs on Wheels. Αμαξα signifies indifferently Plaustrum or Currus; and our English word Car implies either. But if they did use Chariots in bearing their Dead, it is at least evident, that those Chariots were drawn by Mules and Oxen at Funeral Solemnities. Homer's using the word αμαξα and not διφρος, confirms this Opinion.

Verse 519. Then, to secure the Camp, &c.] Homer has been accus'd of an Offence against Probability, in causing this Fortification to be made so late as in the last Year of the War. Mad. Dacier answers to this Objection, that the Greeks had no Occasion for it till the Departure of Achilles: He alone was a greater Defence to them; and Homer had told the Reader in a preceding Book, that the Trojans never durst venture out of the Walls of Troy while Achilles fought: These Intrenchments therefore serve to raise the Glory of his principal Hero, since they become necessary as soon as he withdraws his Aid. She might have added, that Achilles himself says all this, and makes Homer's Apology in the ninth Book, V. 349. The same Author, speaking of this Fortification, seems to doubt whether the Use of intrenching Camps was known in the Trojan War, and is rather inclined to think Homer borrowed it from what was practised in his own Time. But I believe if we consider the Caution with which he has been observed, in some Instances already given, to preserve the Manners of the Age he writes of, in Contradistinction to what was practised in his own; we may reasonably conclude the Art of Fortification was in use even so long before him, and in the Degree of Perfection that he here describes it. If it was not, and if Homer was fond of describing an Improvement in this Art made in his own Days, nothing could be better contrived than his feigning Nestor to be the Author of it, whose Wisdom and Experience in War render'd it probable that he might carry his Projects farther than the rest of his Contemporaries. We have here a Fortification as perfect as any in the modern Times. A strong Wall is thrown up, Towers are built upon it from Space to Space, Gates are made to issue out at, and a Ditch sunk, deep, wide and long: to all which Palisades are added to compleat it.

Verse 525. Meanwhile the Gods.] The Fiction of this Wall raised by the Greeks, has given no little Advantage to Homer's Poem, in furnishing him with an Opportunity of changing the Scene, and in a great degree the Subject and Accidents of his Battels; so that the following Descriptions of War are totally different from all the foregoing. He takes care at the first mention of it to fix in us a great Idea of this Work, by making the Gods immediately concern'd about it. We see Neptune jealous lest the Glory of his own Work, the Walls of Troy, should be effaced by it; and Jupiter comforting him with a Prophecy that it shall be totally destroy'd in a short time. Homer was sensible that as this was a Building of his Imagination only, and not founded (like many other of his Descriptions) upon some Antiquities or Traditions of the Country, so Posterity might convict him of a Falsity when no Remains of any such Wall should be seen on the Coast. Therefore (as Aristotle observes) he has found this way to elude the Censure of an improbable Fiction: The Word of Jove was fulfilled, the Hands of the Gods, the Force of the Rivers, and the Waves of the Sea demolish'd it. In the twelfth Book he digresses from the Subject of his Poem to describe the Execution of this Prophecy. The Verses there are very noble, and have given the Hint to Milton for those in which he accounts, after the same Poetical manner, for the Vanishing of the Terrestrial Paradise.

Verse 559. And now the Fleet, &c.] The Verses from hence to the end of the Book afford us the Knowledge of some Points of History and Antiquity. As that Jason had a Son by Hypsipyle, who succeeded his Mother in the Kingdom of Lemnos. That the Isle of Lemnos was anciently famous for its Wines, and drove a Traffick in them; and that coined Money was not in use in the Time of the Trojan War, but the Trade of Countries carry'd on by Exchange in gross, Brass, Oxen, Slaves, &c. I must not forget the particular Term used here for Slave, ανδραποδον, which is literally the same with our modern word Footman.

Verse 571. But Jove averse, &c.] The Signs by which Jupiter here shews his Wrath against the Grecians, are a Prelude to those more open Declarations of his Anger which follow in the next Book, and prepare the Mind of the Reader for that Machine, which might otherwise seem too bold and violent.