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Verse 7. From Thracia's Shore.] Homer has been suppos'd by Eratosthenes and others, to have been guilty of an Error, in saying that Zephyrus or the West Wind blows from Thrace, whereas in Truth it blows toward it. But the Poet speaks so either because it is fabled to be the Rendezvous of all the Winds; or with respect to the particular Situation of Troy and the Ægean Sea. Either of these Replies are sufficient to solve that Objection.

The particular Parts of this Comparison agree admirably with the Design of Homer, to express the Distraction of the Greeks: the two Winds representing the different Opinions of the Armies, one Part of which were inclin'd to return, the other to stay. Eustathius.

Verse 15. But bid in Silence.] The Reason why Agamemnon commands his Heralds to summon the Leaders in Silence, is for fear the Enemy should discover their Consternation, by reason of their Nearness, or perceive what their Designs were in this Extremity. Eustathius

Verse 23. Agamemnon's Speech.] The Criticks are divided in their Opinion whether this Speech, which is word for word the same with that he makes in Lib. 2. be only a Feint to try the Army, as it is there, or the real Sentiments of the General. Dionysius of Halicarnassus explains it as the former, with whom Madam Dacier concurs; she thinks they must be both counterfeit, because they are both the same, and believes Homer would have varied them, had the Design been different. She takes no notice that Eustathius is of the contrary Opinion; as is also Monsieur de la Motte, who argues as if he had read him. “Agamemnon (says he) in the second Iliad thought himself assured of Victory from the Dream which Jupiter had sent to him, and in that Confidence was desirous to bring the Greeks to a Battel: But in the ninth Book his Circumstances are changed, he is in the utmost Distress and Despair upon his Defeat, and therefore his Proposal to raise the Siege is in all Probability sincere. If Homer had intended we should think otherwise, he would have told us so, as he did on the former Occasion; and some of the Officers would have suspected a Feint the rather, because they had been impos'd upon by the same Speech before. But none of them suspect him at all. Diomed thinks him so much in earnest as to reproach his Cowardice, Nestor applauds Diomed's Liberty, and Agamemnon makes not the least Defence for himself.

Dacier answers, that Homer had no Occasion to tell us this was counterfeit, because the Officers could not but remember it to have been so before; and as for the Answers of Diomed and Nestor, they only carry on the same Feint, as Dionysius has prov'd, whose Reasons may be seen in the following Note.

I do not pretend to decide upon this Point; but which way soever it be, I think Agamemnon's Design was equally answer'd by repeating the same Speech: So that the Repetition at least is not to be blamed in Homer. What obliged Agamemnon to that Feint in the second Book was the Hatred he had incurred in the Army by being the Cause of Achilles's Departure; this made it but a necessary Precaution in him to try, before he came to a Battel, whether the Greeks were dispos'd to it? And it was equally necessary, in case the Event should prove unsuccessful, to free himself from the Odium of being the occasion of it. Therefore when they were now actually defeated, to repeat the same Words, was the readiest way to put them in mind that he had propos'd the same Advice to them before the Battel; and to make it appear unjust that their ill Fortune should be charged upon him. See the 5th and 8th Notes on the second Iliad.

Verse 43. The Speech of Diomed .] I shall here translate the Criticism of Dionysius on this Passage. He asks, “What can be the Drift of Diomed, when he insults Agamemnon in his Griefs and Distresses? For what Diomed here says seems not only very ill tim'd, but inconsistent with his own Opinion, and with the Respect he had shewn in the beginning of this very Speech.

This is the Introduction of a Man in Temper, who is willing to soften and Excuse the Liberty of what is to follow, and what Necessity only obliges him to utter. But he subjoins a Resentment of the Reproach the King had formerly thrown upon him, and tells him that Jupiter had given him Power and Dominion without Courage and Virtue. These are things which agree but ill together, that Diomed should upbraid Agamemnon in his Adversity with past Injuries, after he had endur'd his Reproaches with so much Moderation, and had reproved Sthenelus so warmly for the contrary Practice in the fourth Book. If any one answer, that Diomed was warranted in this Freedom by the Bravery of his warlike Behaviour since that Reproach, he supposes this Hero very ignorant how to demean himself in Prosperity. The Truth is, this whole Accusation of Diomed's is only a Feint to serve the Designs of Agamemnon. For being desirous to persuade the Greeks against their Departure, he effects that Design by this counterfeited Anger, and License of Speech: And seeming to resent, that Agamemnon should be capable of imagining the Army would return to Greece, he artificially makes use of these Reproaches to cover his Argument. This is farther confirm'd by what follows, when he bids Agamemnon return, if he pleases, and affirms that the Grecians will stay without him. Nay he carries the Matter so far, as to boast, that if all the rest should depart, himself and Sthenelus alone would continue the War, which would be extremely childish and absurd in any other View than this.

Verse 53. They gave thee Sceptres, &c.] This is the Language of a brave Man, to affirm and say boldly, that Courage is above Scepters and Crowns. Scepters and Crowns were indeed in former Times not hereditary, but the Recompence of Valour. With what Art and Haughtiness Diomed sets himself indirectly above Agamemnon? Eustathius.

Verse 62. And nearest to the Main.] There is a secret Stroke of Satyr in these Words: Diomed tells the King that his Squadron lies next the Sea, insinuating that they were the most distant from the Battel, and readiest for Flight. Eustathius.

Verse 68. God bade us fight, and 'twas with God we came.] This is literal from the Greek, and therein may be seen the Style of holy Scripture, where 'tis said that they come with God, or that they are not come without God, meaning that they did not come without his Order: Numquid sine Domino ascendi in terram istam? says Rabshekah to Hezekiah in Isaiah 36. V. 8. This Passage seems to me very beautiful. Homer adds it to shew that the Valour of Diomed, which puts him upon remaining alone with Sthenelus, when all the Greeks were gone, is not a Rash and mad Boldness, but a reasonable one, and founded on the Promises of God himself, who cannot lye. Dacier.

Verse 73. The Speech of Nestor .] “Nestor (continues Dionysius) seconds the Oration of Diomed: We shall perceive the Artifice of his Discourse, if we reflect to how little Purpose it would be without this Design. He praises Diomed for what he has said, but does it not without declaring, that he had not spoken fully to the Purpose, and fallen short in some Points, which he ascribes to his Youth, and promises to supply them. Then after a long Preamble, when he has turn'd himself several ways, as if he was sporting in a new and uncommon Vein of Oratory, he concludes by ordering the Watch to their Stations, and advising Agamemnon to invite the Elders of the Army to a Supper, there, out of many Counsels, to chuse the best. All this at first Sight appears absurd: But we must know that Nestor too speaks in Figure. Diomed seems to quarrel with Agamemnon, purely to gratify him; but Nestor praises his Liberty of Speech, as it were to vindicate a real Quarrel with the King. The End of all this is only to move Agamemnon to supplicate Achilles; and to that End he so much commends the young Man's Freedom. In proposing to call a Council only of the eldest, he consults the Dignity of Agamemnon, that he might not be expos'd to make this Condescension before the younger Officers. And he concludes by an artful Inference of the absolute Necessity of applying to Achilles from the present Posture of their Affairs.

This is all Nestor says at this time before the general Assembly of the Greeks; but in his next Speech, when the Elders only are present, he explains the whole Matter at large, and openly declares that they must have Recourse to Achilles. Dion. Hal. περι εσχηματισμενων, p. 2.

Plutarch de aud. Poetis, takes notice of this Piece of Decorum in Nestor, who when he intended to move for a Mediation with Achilles, chose not to do it in publick, but propos'd a private Meeting of the Chiefs to that End. If what these two great Authors have said be consider'd, there will be no room for the trivial Objection some Moderns have made to this Proposal of Nestor's, as if in the present Distress he did no more than impertinently advise them to go to Supper.

Verse 73. Oh truly great.] Nestor could do no less than commend Diomed's Valour, he had lately been a Witness of it when he was preserv'd from falling into the Enemy's Hands till he was rescu'd by Diomed. Eustathius.

Verse 87. Curs'd is the Man.] Nestor, says the same Author, very artfully brings in these Words as a general Maxim, in order to dispose Agamemnon to a Reconciliation with Achilles: He delivers it in general Terms, and leaves the King to make the Application. This Passage is translated with Liberty, for the Original comprizes a great deal in a very few Words, αφρητωρ, αθεμιστος, ανεστιος; it will be proper to give a particular Explication of each of these; αφρητωρ, says Eustathius, signifies one who is a Vagabond or Foreigner. The Athenians kept a Register, in which all that were born were enroll'd, whence it easily appear'd who were Citizens, or not; αφρητωρ therefore signifies one who is depriv'd of the Privilege of a Citizen. Αθεμιστος is one that had forfeited all Title to be protected by the Laws of his Country. Ανεστιος, one that has no Habitation, or rather one that was not permitted to partake of any Family Sacrifice. For Εστια is a Family Goddess; and Jupiter sometimes is called ζευς εστιουχος.

There is a sort of Gradation in these Words. 'Αθεμιστος signifies a Man that has lost the Privileges of his Country; αφρητωρ those of his own Tribe, and ανεστιος those of his own Family.

Verse 94. Between the Trench and Wall.] It is almost impossible to make such Particularities as these appear with any tolerable Elegance in Poetry: And as they cannot be rais'd, so neither must they be omitted. This particular Space here mention'd between the Trench and Wall, is what we must carry in our Mind thro' this and the following Book: Otherwise we shall be at a loss to know the exact Scene of the Actions and Councils that follow.

Verse 119. The Fires they light.] They lighted up a Fire that they might not seem to be under any Consternation, but to be upon their Guard against any Alarm. Eustathius.

Verse 124. When Thirst and Hunger ceast.] The Conduct of Homer in this Place is very remarkable; he does not fall into a long Description of the Entertainment, but complies with the Exigence of Affairs, and passes on to the Consultation. Eustathius.

Verse 138. And make the Wisdom thine.] Eustathius thought that Homer said this, because in Councils, as in the Army, all is attributed to the Princes, and the whole Honour ascrib'd to them: but this is by no means Homer's Thought. What he here says, is a Maxim drawn from profoundest Philosophy. That which often does Men the most harm, is Envy, and the Shame of yielding to Advice, which proceeds from others. There is more Greatness and Capacity in following good Advice, than in proposing it; by executing it, we render it our own, and we ravish even the Property of it from its Author; and Eustathius seems to incline to this Thought, when he afterwards says, Homer makes him that follows good Advice, equal to him that gives it; but he has not fully express'd himself. Dacier.

Verse 140. At once my present Judgment and my past.] Nestor here by the word παλαι, means the Advice he gave at the time of the Quarrel in the first Book: He says, as it was his Opinion then that Agamemnon ought not to disgrace Achilles, so after the maturest Deliberation, he finds no Reason to alter it. Nestor here launches out into the Praises of Achilles, which is a secret Argument to induce Agamemnon to regain his Friendship, by shewing the Importance of it. Eustathius.

Verse 151. This wondrous Hero.] It is remarkable that Agamemnon here never uses the Name of Achilles: tho' he is resolv'd to court his Friendship, yet he cannot bear the mention of his Name. The Impression which the Dissention made, is not yet worn off, tho' he expatiates in Commendation of his Valour. Eustathius.

Verse 155. If Gifts immense his mighty Soul can bow.] The Poet, says Eustathius, makes a wise Choice of the Gifts that are to be proffer'd to Achilles. Had he been ambitious of Wealth, there are golden Tripods, and ten Talents of Gold to bribe his Resentment. If he had been addicted to the Fair Sex, there was a King's Daughter and seven fair Captives to win his Favour. Or if he had been ambitious of Greatness, there were seven wealthy Cities and a Kingly Power to court him to a Reconciliation: But he takes this way to shew us that his Anger was stronger than all his other Passions. It is farther observable, that Agamemnon promises these Presents at three different times; first, at this Instant; secondly, on the taking of Troy; and lastly, after their Return to Greece. This Division in some degree multiplies them. Dacier.

Verse 157. Ten weighty Talents.] The ancient Criticks have blamed one of the Verses in the Enumeration of these Presents, as not sufficiently flowing and harmonious, the Pause is ill placed, and one word does not fall easily into the other. This will appear very plain if we compare it with a more numerous Verse.

The Ear immediately perceives the Musick of the former Line, every Syllable glides smoothly away, without offending the Ear with any such Roughness, as is found in the second. The first runs as swiftly as the Wind which it describes; but the latter is a broken interrupted uneven Verse. But it is certainly pardonable in this Place, where the Musick of Poetry is not necessary; the Mind is entirely taken up in learning what Presents Agamemnon intended to make Achilles: and is not at leisure to regard the Ornaments of Versification; and even those Pauses are not without their Beauties, as they would of Necessity cause a Stop in the Delivery, and so give time for each Particular to sink into the Mind of Achilles. Eustathius.

Verse 159. Sev'n sacred Tripods.] There were two kinds of Tripods: in the one they used to boil Water, the other was entirely for Shew, to mix Wine and Water in, says Athenæus: the first were called λεβητας, or Cauldrons, for common Use, and made to bear the Fire; the other were απυροι, and made chiefly for Ornament. It may be ask'd why this could be a proper Present for Achilles, who was a martial Man, and regarded nothing but Arms? It may be answer'd, that these Presents were very well suited to the Person to whom they were sent, as Tripods in ancient Days were the usual Prizes in Games, and they were given by Achilles himself in those which he exhibited in Honour of Patroclus: the same may be said of the female Captives, which are also among the Prizes in the Games of Patroclus. Eustathius.

Verse 161. Twelve Steeds unmatch'd.] From hence it is evident that Games us'd to be celebrated in the Grecian Army during the Time of War; perhaps in Honour of the deceas'd Heroes. For had Agamemnon sent Achilles Horses that had been victorious before the beginning of the Trojan War, they would by this time have been too old to be of any Value. Eustathius.

Verse 189. Laodice and Iphigenia, &c.] These are the Names of Agamemnon's Daughters, among which we do not find Electra. But some affirm, says Eustathius, that Laodice and Electra are the same, (as Iphianassa is the same with Iphigenia) and she was called so, either by way of Sir-name, or by reason of her Complexion, which was ηλεκτρωδες, flava; or by way of Derision ηλεκτρα quasi αλεκτρον, because she was an old Maid, as appears from Euripides, who says that she remain'd long a Virgin.

And in Sophocles she says of herself, 'Ανυμφευτος αιεν οιχνω, I wander a disconsolate unmarry'd Virgin, which shews that it was ever look'd upon as a Disgrace to continue long so.

Verse 192. I ask no Presents—My self will give the Dow'r.] For in Greece the Bridegroom, before he marry'd, was obliged to make two Presents, one to his betroth'd Wife, and the other to his Father in Law. This Custom is very ancient; it was practised by the Hebrews in the time of the Patriarchs. Abraham's Servant gave Necklaces and Ear-rings to Rebecca, whom he demanded for Isaac. Genesis 24. 22. Shechem Son of Hamor says to Jacob and his Sons, whose Sister he was desirous to espouse, “Ask me never so much Dowry and Gifts. Genesis 34. 12. For the Dowry was for the Daughter. This Present serv'd for her Dowry, and the other Presents were for the Father. In the first Book of Samuel 18. 25. Saul makes them say to David, who by reason of his Poverty said he could not be Son in Law to the King: The King desireth not any Dowry. And in the two last Passages, we see the Presents were commonly regulated by the Father of the Bride. There is no mention in Homer of any Present made to the Father, but only of that which was given to the married Daughter, which was call'd ενδα. The Dowry which the Father gave to his Daughter was called μειλια: Wherefore Agamemnon says here επιμειλια δωσω. Dacier.

Verse 209. Pluto, the grizly God, who never spares.] eaning of this may be gather'd from Æschylus, cited here by Eustathius.

Death is the only God who is not mov'd by Offerings, whom you cannot conquer by Sacrifices and Oblations, and therefore he is the only God to whom no Altar is erected, and no Hymns are sung.

Verse 221. Let Phœnix lead.] How comes it to pass that Phœnix is in the Grecian Camp: when undoubtedly he retir'd with his Pupil Achilles? Eustathius says the Ancients conjectur'd that he came to the Camp to see the last Battel: and indeed nothing is more natural to imagine, than that Achilles would be impatient to know the Event of the Day, when he was himself absent from the Fight: and as his Revenge and Glory were to be satisfied by the ill Success of the Grecians, It is highly probable that he sent Phœnix to enquire after it. Eustathius farther observes, Phœnix was not an Embassador, but only the Conductor of the Embassy. This is evident from the Words themselves, which are all along deliver'd in the dual Number; and farther from Achilles's requiring Phœnix to stay with him when the other two departed.

Verse 222. Great Ajax next, and Ithacus the sage.] The Choice of these Persons is made with a great deal of Judgment. Achilles could not but reverence the venerable Phœnix his Guardian and Tutor. Ajax and Ulysses had been disgrac'd in the first Book, Line 145, as well as he, and were therefore Instances of that Forgiveness they came to ask: besides it was the greatest Honour that could be done to Achilles to send the most worthy Personages in the Army to him. Ulysses was inferior to none in Eloquence but to Nestor. Ajax was second to none in Valour but to Achilles.

Ajax might have an Influence over him as a Relation, by Descent from Æacus, Ulysses as an Orator: To these are join'd Hodius and Eurybates, two Heralds, which tho it were not customary, yet was necessary in this Place, both to certify Achilles that this Embassage was the Act of Agamemnon himself, and also to make these Persons who had been Witnesses before God and Man of the Wrong done to Achilles in respect to Briseis, Witnesses also of the Satisfaction given him. Eustathius.

Verse 235. Much he advis'd them all, Ulysses most.] There is a great Propriety in representing Nestor as so particularly applying himself on this Occasion to Ulysses. Tho' he of all Men had the least need of his Instructions; yet it is highly natural for one wise Man to talk most to another.

Verse 246. Pleas'd with the solemn Harp's harmonious Sound.] “Homer (says Plutarch) to prove what an excellent Use may be made of Musick, feign'd Achilles to compose by this means the Wrath he had conceiv'd against Agamemnon. He sung to his Harp the noble Actions of the Valiant, and the Atchievements of Heroes and Demigods, a Subject worthy of Achilles. Homer moreover teaches us in this Fiction the proper Season for Musick, when a Man is at leisure and unemploy'd in greater Affairs. For Achilles, so valorous as he was, had retir'd from Action thro' his Displeasure to Agamemnon. And nothing was better suited to the martial Disposition of this Hero, than these heroick Songs, that prepared him for the Deeds and Toils he afterwards undertook, by the Celebration of the like in those who had gone before him. Such was the ancient Musick, and to such Purposes it was apply'd. Plut. of Musick. The same Author relates in the Life of Alexander, that when the Lyre of Paris was offer'd to that Prince, he made answer, “He had little Value for it, but much desired that of Achilles, on which he sung the Actions of Heroes in former Times.

Verse 261. Princes all hail!] This short Speech is wonderfully proper to the Occasion, and to the Temper of the Speaker. One is under a great Expectation of what Achilles will say at the Sight of these Heroes, and I know nothing in Nature that could satisfy it, but the very thing he here accosts them with.

Verse 268. Mix purer Wine.] The Meaning of this word ζωροτερον is very dubious; some say it signifies warm Wine, from ζεω, ferveo: According to Aristotle, it is an Adverb, and implies to mix Wine quickly. And others think it signifies pure Wine. In this last Sense Herodotus uses it. Επαν ζωροτερον βουλωνται οι Σπαρτιαται πιειν, επισκυθισον λεγουσιν, ως απο των Σκυθων, οι φησιν, εις Σπαρτην αφικομενοι πρεσβεις, εδιδαξαν τον Κλεομενην ακρατοποτειν. Which in English is thus: “When the Spartans have an Inclination to drink their Wine pure and not diluted, they propose to drink after the Manner of the Scythians; some of whom coming Embassadors to Sparta, taught Cleomenes to drink his Wine unmix'd. I think this Sense of the Word is most natural, and Achilles might give this particular Order not to dilute the Wine so much as usually, because the Embassadors who were brave Men, might be suppos'd to be much fatigu'd in the late Battel, and to want a more than usual Refreshment. Eustathius. See Plutarch Symp. l. 4. c. 5.

Verse 271. Patroclus o'er the blazing Fire, &c.] The Reader must not expect to find much Beauty in such Descriptions as these: they give us an exact Account of the Simplicity of that Age, which for all we know might be a Part of Homer's Design; there being, no doubt, a considerable Change of Customs in Greece from the Time of the Trojan War to those wherein our Author lived; and it seem'd demanded of him to omit nothing that might give the Greeks an Idea of the Manners of their Predecessors. But however that Matter stood, it should methinks be a Pleasure to a modern Reader to see how such mighty Men, whose Actions have surviv'd their Persons three thousand Years, liv'd in the earliest Ages of the World. The Embassadors found this Hero, says Eustathius, without any Attendants, he had no Ushers or Waiters to introduce them, no servile Parasites about him: The latter Ages degenerated into these Pieces of State and Pageantry.

The Supper also is describ'd with an equal Simplicity: three Princes are busied in preparing it, and they who made the greatest Figure in the Field of Battel, thought it no Disparagement to prepare their own Repast. The Objections some have made that Homer's Gods and Heroes do every thing for themselves, as if several of those Offices were unworthy of them, proceeds from the corrupt Idea of modern Luxury and Grandeur: Whereas in truth it is rather a Weakness and Imperfection to stand in need of the Assistance and Ministry of others. But however it be, methinks those of the nicest Taste might relish this Entertainment of Homer's, when they consider these great Men as Soldiers in a Camp, in whom the least Appearance of Luxury would have been a Crime.

Verse 271. Patroclus o'er the blazing Fire.] Madam Dacier's general Note on this Passage deserves to be transcribed. “Homer, says she, is in the right not to avoid these Descriptions, because nothing can properly be called vulgar which is drawn from the Manner and Usages of Persons of the first Dignity; and also because in his Tongue even the Terms of Cookery are so noble, and of so agreeable a Sound, and he likewise knows how to place them so well, as to extract a perfect Harmony from them: So that he may be said to be as excellent a Poet, when he describes these small Matters, as when he treats of the greatest Subjects. 'Tis not so either with our Manners, or our Language. Cookery is left to Servants, and all its Terms so low and disagreeable, even in the Sound, that nothing can be made of them, that has not some Taint of their Meanness. This great Disadvantage made me at first think of abridging this Preparation of the Repast; but when I had well consider'd it, I was resolv'd to preserve and give Homer as he is, without retrenching any thing from the Simplicity of the heroick Manners. I do not write to enter the Lists against Homer, I will dispute nothing with him; my Design is only to give an Idea of him, and to make him be understood: The Reader will therefore forgive me if this Description has none of its original Graces.

Verse 272. In a Brazen Vase.] The word κρειον signifies the Vessel, and not the Meat itself, as Euphorion conjectured, giving it as a Reason that Homer makes no mention of boiled Meat: But this does not hinder but that the Meat might be parboil'd in the Vessel to make it roast the sooner. This, with some other Notes on the Particulars of this Passage, belong to Eustathius, and Madam Dacier ought not to have taken to herself the Merit of his Explanations.

Verse 282. And sprinkles sacred Salt.] Many Reasons are given why Salt is called sacred or divine, but the best is because it preserves things incorrupt, and keeps them from Dissolution. “So Thunder (says Plutarch Sympos. l. 5. qu. 10.) is called divine, because Bodies struck with Thunder will not putrify; besides Generation is divine, because God is the Principle of all things, and Salt is most operative in Generation. Lycophron calls it αγνιτην τον αλα: For this Reason Venus was feign'd by the Poets to spring from the Sea.

Verse 291. To Phœnix Ajax gave the Sign.] Ajax who was a rough Soldier and no Orator, is impatient to have the Business over: He makes a Sign to Phœnix to begin, but Ulysses prevents him. Perhaps Ulysses might flatter himself that his Oratory would prevail upon Achilles, and so obtain the Honour of making the Reconciliation himself: Or if he were repuls'd, there yet remain'd a second and third Resource in Ajax and Phœnix, who might renew the Attempt, and endeavour to shake his Resolution: There would still be some hopes of Success, as one of these was his Guardian, the other his Relation. One may farther add to these Reasons of Eustathius, that it would have been improper for Phœnix to have spoken first, since he was not an Embassador; and therefore Ulysses was the fitter Person, as being impower'd by that Function to make an Offer of the Presents in the Name of the King.

Verse 295. Health to Achilles .] There are no Discourses in the Iliad better placed, better tim'd, or that give a greater Idea of Homer's Genius, than these of the Embassadors to Achilles. These Speeches are not only necessarily demanded by the Occasion, but disposed with Art, and in such an Order, as raises more and more the Pleasure of the Reader. Ulysses speaks the first, the Character of whose Discourse is a well-address'd Eloquence; so the Mind is agreeably engag'd by the Choice of his Reasons and Applications: Achilles replies with a magnanimous Freedom, whereby the Mind is elevated with the Sentiments of the Hero: Phœnix discourses in a manner touching and pathetick, whereby the Heart is moved: and Ajax concludes with a generous Disdain, that leaves the Soul of the Reader inflamed. This Order undoubtedly denotes a great Poet, who knows how to command Attention as he pleases by the Arrangement of his Matter; and I believe it it not possible to propose a better Model for the happy Disposition of a Subject. These Words are Monsieur de la Motte's, and no Testimony can be more glorious to Homer than this, which comes from the Mouth of an Enemy.

Verse 296. Not those more honour'd whom Atrides feasts.] I must just mention Dacier's Observation: With what Cunning Ulysses here slides in the odious Name of Agamemnon, as he praises Achilles, that the Ear of this impetuous Man might be familiariz'd to that Name.

Verse 314. He waits but for the Morn, to sink in Flame. The Ships, the Greeks , &c.] There is a Circumstance in the Original which I have omitted, for fear of being too particular in an Oration of this Warmth and Importance; but as it preserves a Piece of Antiquity I must not forget it here. He says that Hector will not only fire the Fleet, but bear off the Statues of the Gods, which were carv'd on the Prows of the Vessels. These were hung up in the Temples, as a Monument of Victory, according to the Custom of those Times.

Verse 342. But hear me, while I number o'er The proffer'd Presents.] Monsieur de la Motte finds fault with Homer for making Ulysses in this Place repeat all the Offers of Agamemnon to Achilles. Not to answer that it was but necessary to make known to Achilles all the Proposals, or that this distinct Enumeration serv'd the more to move him, I think one may appeal to any Person of common Taste whether the solemn Recital of these Circumstances does not please him more, than the simple Narration could have done, which Monsieur de la Motte would have put in its stead. Ulysses made all the Offers Agamemnon had commission'd him.

Verse 406. Achilles's Speech.] Nothing is more remarkable than the Conduct of Homer in this Speech of Achilles. He begins with some degree of Coolness, as in respect to the Embassadors whose Persons he esteem'd, yet even there his Temper just shews itself in the Insinuation that Ulysses had dealt artfully with him, which in two Periods rises into an open Detestation of all Artifice. He then falls into a sullen Declaration of his Resolves, and a more sedate Representation of his past Services; but warms as he goes on, and every Minute he but names his Wrongs, flies out into Extravagance. His Rage awaken'd by that Injury, is like a Fire blown by a Wind, that sinks and rises by fits, but keeps continually burning, and blazes but the more for those Intermissions.

Verse 424. As the bold Bird, &c.] This Simile (says La Motte) must be allow'd to be just, but was not fit to be spoken in a Passion. One may answer, that the Tenderness of the Comparison renders it no way the less proper to a Man in a Passion, it being natural enough, the more one is disgusted at present, the more to recollect the Kindness we have formerly shewn to those who are ungrateful. Eustathius observes, that so soft as the Simile seems, it has nevertheless its fiertè; for Achilles herein expresses his Contempt for the Greeks, as a weak defenceless People, who must have perished if he had not preserved them. And indeed if we consider what is said in the preceding Note, it will appear that the Passion of Achilles ought not as yet to be at the Height.

Verse 432. I sack'd twelve ample Cities.] Eustathius says, that the Anger of Achilles not only throws him into Tautology, but also into Ambiguity: For, says he, these Words may either signify that he destroy'd twelve Cities with his Ships, or barely Cities with twelve Ships. But Eustathius in this Place is like many other Commentators, who can see a Meaning in a Sentence that never enter'd into the Thoughts of an Author. It is not easy to conceive how Achilles could have express'd himself more clearly. There is no doubt but δωδεκα agrees with the same word that ενδεκα does, in the following Line, which is certainly πολεις: and there is a manifest Enumeration of the Places he had conquer'd, by Sea, and by Land.

Verse 450. The Wife whom Choice and Passion both approve, Sure ev'ry wise and worthy Man will love.] The Argument of Achilles in this Place is very a-propos with Reference to the Case of Agamemnon. If I translated it verbatim, I must say in plain English, Every honest Man loves his Wife. Thus Homer has made this rash, this fiery Soldier, govern'd by his Passions, and in the Rage of Youth, bear Testimony to his own Respect for the Ladies. But it seems Poltis King of Thrace was of another Opinion, who would have parted with two Wives, out of pure Good-nature to two meer Strangers; as I have met with the Story somewhere in Plutarch. When the Greeks were raising Forces against Troy, they sent Embassadors to this Poltis to desire Assistance. He enquir'd the Cause of the War, and was told it was the Injury Paris had done Menelaus in taking his Wife from him. “If that be all, said the good King, let me accomodate the Difference: Indeed it is not just the Greek Prince should lose a Wife, and on the other side it is pity the Trojan should want one. Now I have two Wives, and to prevent all this Mischief, I'll send one of them to Menelaus, and the other to Paris. It is a shame this Story is so little known, and that poor Poltis yet remains uncelebrated: I cannot but recommend him to the modern Poets.

Verse 457. Your King, Ulysses, may consult with you.] Achilles still remembers what Agamemnon said to him when they quarrel'd, Other brave Warriors will be left behind to follow me in Battel, as we have seen in the first Book. He answers here without either sparing Ajax or Ulysses; as much his Friends as they are, they have their Share in this Stroke of Raillery. Eustathius.

Verse 459. Has he not Walls?] This is a bitter Satyr (says Eustathius) against Agamemnon, as if his only Deeds were the making of this Wall, this Ditch, these Pallisades, to defend himself against those whom he came to besiege: There was no need of these Retrenchments, whilst Achilles fought. But (as Dacier observes) this Satyr does not affect Agamemnon only, but Nestor too, who had advis'd the making of these Retrenchments, and who had said in the second Book, If there are a few who separate themselves from the rest of the Army, let them stay and perish, V. 346. Probably this had been reported to Achilles, and that Hero revenges himself here by mocking these Retrenchments.

Verse 473. Pthia the third Day hence, &c.] Monsieur de la Motte thinks the mention of these minute Circumstances not to agree with the passionate Character of the Speaker; that he shall arrive at Pthia in three Days, that he shall find there all the Riches he left when he came to the Siege, and that he shall carry other Treasures home. Dacier answers, that we need only consider the present Situation of Achilles, and his Cause of Complaint against Agamemnon, and we shall be satisfied here is nothing but what is exactly agreeable to the Occasion. To convince the Embassadors that he will return home, he instances the Easiness of doing it, in the Space of three Days. Agamemnon had injur'd him in the Point of Booty, he therefore declares he had sufficient Treasures at home, and that he will carry off Spoils enough, and Women enough, to make amends for those that Prince had ravish'd from him. Every one of these Particulars marks his Passion and Resentment.

Verse 481. One only valu'd Gift your Tyrant gave.] The Injury which Agamemnon offer'd to Achilles is still uppermost in his Thoughts, he has but just dismiss'd it, and now returns to it again. These Repetitions are far from being Faults in Achilles's Wrath, whose Anger is perpetually breaking out upon the same Injury.

Verse 494. Kings of such a kind Stand but as Slaves before a noble Mind.] The Words in the Greek are, I despise him as a Carian. The Carians were People of Bœotia, the first that sold their Valour, and were ready to fight for any that gave them their Pay. This was look'd upon as the vilest of Actions in those heroical Ages. I think there is at present but one Nation in the World distinguish'd for this Practice, who are ready to prostitute their Hands to kill for the highest Bidder.

Eustathius endeavours to give many other Solutions of this Place, as that εν καρος may be mistaken for εγκαρος from εγκαρ, pediculus; but this is too mean and trivial to be Homer's Sentiment. There is more Probability that it comes from κηρ, κηρος, and so καρος by the Change of the Eta into Alpha; and then the Meaning will be, that Achilles hates him as much as Hell or Death, agreeable to what he had said a little before.

Verse 500. Not all proud Thebes, &c.] These several Circumstances concerning Thebes are thought by some not to suit with that Emotion with which Achilles here is suppos'd to speak: but the contrary will appear true, if we reflect that nothing is more usual for Persons transported with Anger, than to insist, and return to such Particulars as most touch them; and that Exaggeration is a Figure extremely natural in Passion. Achilles therefore, by shewing the Greatness of Thebes, its Wealth, and Extent, does in Effect but shew the Greatness of his own Soul, and of that insuperable Resentment which renders all these Riches (tho' the greatest in the World) contemptible in his Sight, when he compares them with the Indignity his Honour has receiv'd.

Verse 500. Proud Thebes' unrival'd Walls, &c.] “The City which the Greeks call Thebes, the Ægyptians Diospolis (says Diodorus lib. 1. part. 2.) was in Circuit a hundred and forty Stadia, adorned with stately Buildings, magnificent Temples, and rich Donations. It was not only the most beautiful and noble City of Ægypt, but of the whole World. The Fame of its Wealth and Grandeur was so celebrated in all Parts, that the Poet took notice of it in these

Tho' others affirm it had not a hundred Gates, but several vast Porches to the Temples; from whence the City was call'd the Hundred-gated, only as having many Gates. Yet it is certain it furnished twenty thousand Chariots of War; for there were a hundred Stables along the River, from Memphis to Thebes towards Lybia, each of which contain'd two hundred Horses, the Ruins whereof are shewn at this Day. The Princes from time to time made it their care to beautify and enlarge this City, to which none under the Sun was equal in the many and magnificent Treasures of Gold, Silver, and Ivory; with innumerable Colossus's, and Obelisques of one entire Stone. There were four Temples admirable in Beauty and Greatness, the most ancient of which was in Circuit thirteen Stadia, and five and forty Cubits in Heighth, with a Wall of four and twenty Foot broad. The Ornaments and Offerings within were agreeable to this Magnificence, both in Value and Workmanship. The Fabrick is yet remaining, but the Gold, Silver, Ivory, and precious Stones were ransack'd by the Persians when Cambyses burn'd the Temples of Ægypt. There were found in the Rubbish above three hundred Talents of Gold, and no less than two thousand three hundred of Silver. The same Author proceeds to give many Instances of the Magnificence of this great City. The Description of the Sepulchres of their Kings, and particularly that of Osymanduas, is perfectly astonishing, to which I refer the Reader.

Strabo farther informs us, that the Kings of Thebes extended their Conquests as far as Scythia, Bactria, and India.

Verse 525. Not all Apollo's Pythian Treasures.] The Temple of Apollo at Delphos was the richest Temple in the World, by the Offerings which were brought to it from all Parts; there were Statues of massy Gold of a human Size, Figures of Animals in Gold, and several other Treasures. A great Sign of its Wealth is, that the Phocians pillag'd it in the Time of Philip the Son of Amyntas, which gave Occasion to the holy War. 'Tis said to have been pillag'd before, and that the great Riches of which Homer speaks, had been carried away. Eustathius.

Verse 530. The vital Spirit fled, Returns no more.] Nothing sure could be better imagin'd, or more strongly paint Achilles's Resentment, than this Commendation which Homer puts into his Mouth of a long and peaceable Life. That Hero whose very Soul was possessed with Love of Glory, and who prefer'd it to Life itself, lets his Anger prevail over this his darling Passion: He despises even Glory, when he cannot obtain that, and enjoy his Revenge at the same time; and rather than lay this aside, becomes the very Reverse of himself.

Verse 532. My Fates long since by Thetis were disclos'd.] It was very necessary for Homer to put the Reader more than once in mind of this Piece of Achilles's Story: There is a Remark of Monsieur de la Motte which deserves to be transcribed entire on this Occasion.

“The Generality of People who do not know Achilles by the Iliad, and who upon a most noted Fable conceive him invulnerable all but in the Heel, find it ridiculous that he should be placed at the Head of Heroes; so true it is, that the Idea of Valour implies it always from Danger.

“Should a Giant, well arm'd, fight against a Legion of Children, whatever Slaughter he should make, the Pity any one would have for them would not turn at all to any Admiration of him, and the more he should applaud his own Courage, the more one would be offended at his Pride.

“Achilles had been in this Case, if Homer, besides all the Superiority of Strength he has given him, had not found the Art of putting likewise his Greatness of Soul out of all Suspicion.

“He has perfectly well succeeded, in feigning that Achilles before his setting out to the Trojan War, was sure of meeting his Death. The Destinies had proposed to him by the Mouth of Thetis, the Alternative of a long and happy, but obscure Life, if he stay'd in his own State; or of a short but glorious one, if he embrac'd the Vengeance of the Greeks. He wishes for Glory in Contempt of Death; and thus all his Actions, all his Motions are so many Proofs of his Courage; he runs, in hastening his Exploits, to a Death which he knows infallibly attends him; what does it avail him, that he routs every thing almost without Resistance? It is still true, that he every Moment encounters and faces the Sentence of his Destiny, and that he devotes himself generously for Glory. Homer was so sensible that this Idea must force a Concern for his Hero, that he scatters it throughout his Poem, to the end that the Reader having it always in view, may esteem Achilles even for what he performs without the least Danger.

Verse 565. How shall thy Friend, thy Phœnix stay behind.] This is a strong Argument to persuade Achilles to stay, but dress'd up in the utmost Tenderness: the venerable old Man rises with Tears in his Eyes, and speaks the Language of Affection. He tells him that he would not be left behind him, tho' the Gods would free him from the Burthen of old Age, and restore him to his Youth: But in the midst of so much Fondness, he couches a powerful Argument to persuade him not to return home, by adding that his Father sent him to be his Guide and Guardian, Phœnix ought not therefore to follow the Inclinations of Achilles, but Achilles the Directions of Phœnix. Eustathius.

“The Art of this Speech of Phœnix (says Dionysius περι εσχηματισμενων, lib. 1.) consists in his seeming to agree with all that Achilles had said: Achilles, he sees, will depart, and he must go along with him; but in assigning the Reasons why he must go with him, he proves that Achilles ought not to depart. And thus while he seems only to shew his Love to his Pupil in his Inability to stay behind him, he indeed challenges the other's Gratitude for the Benefits he had confer'd upon him in his Infancy and Education. At the same time that he moves Achilles, he gratifies Agamemnon; and that this was the real Design which he disguised in that manner, we are inform'd by Achilles himself in the Reply he makes: For Homer, and all the Authors that treat of this Figure, generally contrive it so, that the Answers made to these kind of Speeches, discover all the Art and Structure of them. Achilles therefore asks him,

You see the Scholar reveals the Art and Dissimulation of his Master; and as Phœnix had recounted the Benefits done him, he takes off that Expostulation by promising to divide his Empire with him, as may be seen in the same Answer.

Verse 567. He sent thee early to th'Achaian Host.] Achilles (says Eustathius) according to some of the Ancients, was but twelve Years old when he went to the Wars of Troy; (πεμπε νηπιον) and it may be gather'd from what the Poet here relates of the Education of Achilles under Phœnix, that the Fable of his being tutor'd by Chiron was the Invention of latter Ages, and unknown to Homer.

Mr. Bayle in his Article of Achilles, has very well proved this. He might indeed as he grew up, have learn'd Musick and Physick of Chiron, without having him formally as his Tutor; for it is plain from this Speech that he was put under the Direction of Phœnix as his Governor in Morality, when his Father sent him along with him to the Siege of Troy.

Verse 576. My Father, faithless to my Mother's Arms, &c.] Homer has been blamed for introducing two long Stories into this Speech of Phœnix; this concerning himself is said not to be in the proper Place, and what Achilles must needs have heard over and over: It also gives (say they) a very ill Impression of Phœnix himself, and makes him appear a very unfit Person to be a Teacher of Morality to the young Hero. It is answer'd, that tho' Achilles might have known the Story before in general, 'tis proboble Phœnix had not till now so pressing an Occasion to make him discover the Excess his Fury had transported him to, in attempting the Life of his own Father: The whole Story tends to represent the dreadful Effects of Passion; and I cannot but think the Example is the more forcible, as it is drawn from his own Experience.

Verse 579. To win the Damsel.] The Counsel that this Mother gives to her Son Phœnix is the same that Achitophel gave to Absolom, to hinder him from ever being reconcil'd to David. Et ait Achitophel ad Absolom: ingredere ad concubinos patris tui, quas dimisit ad custodiendam domum, ut cum audierit omnis Israel quod fœdaveris patrem tuum, roborentur tecum manus eorum. 2 Sam. 14. 20. Dacier.

Verse 579. Prevent my Sire.] This Decency of Homer is worthy Observation, who to remove all the disagreeable Ideas which might proceed from this Intrigue of Phœnix with his Father's Mistress, took care to give us to understand in one single word, that Amyntor had no share in her Affections, which makes the Action of Phœnix the more excusable. He does it only in Obedience to his Mother, in order to reclaim his Father, and oblige him to live like her Husband: Besides, his Father had yet no Commerce with this Mistress to whose Love he pretended. Had it been otherwise, and had Phœnix committed this sort of Incest, Homer would neither have presented this Image to his Reader, nor Peleus chosen Phœnix to be Governor to Achilles. Dacier.

Verse 584. Infernal Jove .] The Greek is ζευς τε καταχθονιος. The Ancients gave the Name of Jupiter not only to the God of Heaven, but likewise to the God of Hell, as is seen here, and to the God of the Sea, as appears from Æschylus. They thereby meant to shew that one sole Deity governed the World; and it was to teach the same Truth, that the ancient Statuaries made Statues of Jupiter, which had three Eyes. Priam had one of them in that manner in the Court of his Palace, which was there in Laomedon's Time: After the taking of Troy, when the Greeks shar'd the Booty, it fell to Sthenelus's Lot, who carry'd it into Greece. Dacier.

Verse 586. Despair and Grief distract, &c.] I have taken the Liberty to replace here four Verses which Aristarchus had cut out, because of the Horror which the Idea gave him of a Son who is going to kill his Father; but perhaps Aristarchus's Niceness was too great. These Verses seem to me necessary, and have a very good Effect; for Phœnix's Aim is to shew Achilles, that unless we overcome our Wrath, we are expos'd to commit the greatest Crimes: He was going to kill his own Father. Achilles in the same manner is going to let his Father Phœnix and all the Greeks perish, if he does not appease his Wrath. Plutarch relates these four Verses in his Treatise of reading the Poets; and adds, “Aristarchus frightned at this horrible Crime, cut out these Verses; but they do very well in this Place, and on this Occasion, Phœnix intending to shew Achilles what Wrath is, and to what abominable Excesses it hurries Men who do not obey Reason, and who refuse to follow the Counsels of those that advise them. These sort of Curtailings from Homer, often contrary to all Reason, gave room to Lucian to feign that being in the fortunate Islands, he ask'd Homer a great many Questions. Among other things (says he in his second Book of his true History) “I ask'd him whether he had made all the Verses which had been rejected in his Poem? He assur'd me they were all his own, which made me laugh at the impertinent and bold Criticisms of Zenodorus and Aristarchus, who had retrench'd them. Dacier.

Verse 612. I pass my Watchings o'er thy helpless Years.] In the Original of this Place Phœnix tells Achilles, that as he placed him in his Infancy on his Lap, he has often cast up the Wine he had drank upon his Cloaths. I wish I had any Authority to say these Verses were foisted into the Text: For tho' the Idea be indeed natural, it must be granted to be so very gross as to be utterly unworthy of Homer; nor do I see any Colour to soften the Meanness of it: such Images in any Age or Country, must have been too nauseous to be described.

Verse 625. Pray'rs are Jove's Daughters.] Nothing can be more beautiful, noble, or religious, than this divine Allegory. We have here Goddesses of Homer's Creation, he sets before us their Pictures in lively Colours, and gives these fancy'd Beings all the Features that resemble Mankind who offer Injuries, or have Recourse to Prayers.

Prayers are said to be the Daughters of Jove, because it is he who teaches Man to pray. They are lame, because the Posture of a Suppliant is with his Knee on the Ground. They are wrinkled, because those that pray have a Countenance of Dejection and Sorrow. Their Eyes are turn'd aside, because thro' an awful Regard to Heaven they dare not lift them thither. They follow Ate or Injury, because nothing but Prayers can attone for the Wrongs that are offer'd by the injurious. Ate is said to be strong and swift of Foot, &c. because injurious Men are swift to do Mischief. This is the Explanation of Eustathius, with whom Dacier agrees, but when she allows the Circumstance of Lameness to intimate the Custom of kneeling in Prayer, she forgets that this contradicts her own Assertion in one of the Remarks on Iliad 7. where she affirms that no such Custom was used by the Greeks. And indeed the contrary seems inferred in several Places of Homer, particularly where Achilles says in the 608th Verse of the eleventh Book, The Greeks shall stand round his Knees supplicating to him. The Phrases in that Language that signify praying, are deriv'd from the Knee, only as it was usual to lay hold on the Knee of the Person to whom they supplicated.

A modern Author imagines Ate to signify divine Justice, a Notion in which he is single, and repugnant to all the Mythologists. Besides, the whole Context in this Place, and the very Application of the Allegory to the present Case of Achilles, whom he exhorts to be moved by Prayers notwithstanding the Injustice done him by Agamemnon, makes the contrary evident.

Verse 643. Not Greece, nor all her Fortunes.] Plato in the third Book of his Republick condemns this Passage, and thinks it very wrong, that Phœnix should say to Achilles that if they did not offer him great Presents, he would not advise him to be appeas'd; but I think there is some Injustice in this Censure, and that Plato has not rightly enter'd into the Sense of Phœnix, who does not look upon these Presents on the side of Interest, but Honour, as a Mark of Agamemnon's Repentance, and of the Satisfaction he is ready to make: wherefore he says, that Honour has a mighty Power over great Spirits. Dacier.

Verse 648. Permit not these to sue, and sue in vain.] In the Original it is—των μη συ γε μυθον ελεγξης Μηδε ποδας.— I am pretty confident there is not any manner of speaking like this used throughout all Homer; nor two Substantives so odly coupled to a Verb, as μυθον and ποδας in this Place. We may indeed meet with such little Affectations in Ovid,—Aurigam puriter animaque, rotisque, Expulit—and the like; but the Taste of the Ancients in general was too good for these Fooleries. I must have leave to think the Verse Μηδε ποδας, &c. an Interpolation; the Sense is compleat without it, and the latter part of the Line, πριν δ' ουτι νεμεσσητον κεχολωσθαι, seems but a Tautology, after what is said in the six Verses preceding.

Verse 649. Let me, my Son, an ancient Fact unfold.] Phœnix, says Eustathius, lays down, as the Foundation of his Story, that great Men in former Ages were always appeas'd by Presents and Entreaties, and to confirm this Position, he brings Meleager as an Instance; but it may be objected, that Meleager was an ill chosen Instance, being a Person whom no Entreaties could move: The Superstructure of this Story seems not to agree with the Foundation. Eustathius solves the Difficulty thus. Homer did not intend to give an Instance of a Hero's Compliance with the Entreaties of his Friends, but to shew that they who did not comply were Sufferers themselves in the End. So that the Connection of the Story is thus; The Heroes of former Times were used always to be won by Presents and Entreaties; Meleager only was obstinate, and suffer'd because he was so.

The Length of this Narration cannot be taxed as unseasonable; it was at full Leisure in the Tent, and in the Night, a time of no Action. Yet I cannot answer but the Tale may be tedious to a modern Reader. I have translated it therefore with all possible Shortness, as will appear upon a Comparison. The Piece itself is very valuable, as it preserves to us a Part of ancient History that had otherwise been entirely lost, as Quintilian has remark'd. The same great Critick commends Homer's manner of relating it: Narrare quis significantius potest, quam qui Curetum Ætolorumque prælia exponit, lib. 10. c. 1.

Verse 677. Alcyone, a Name to show, &c.] It appears (says Madam Dacier) by this Passage, and by others already observ'd, that the Greeks often gave Names, as did the Hebrews, not only with respect to the Circumstances, but likewise to the Accidents which happen'd to the Fathers and Mothers of those they named: Thus Cleopatra is called Alcyone, from the Lamentations of her Mother. I cannot but think this Digression concerning Idas and Marpessa too long, and not very much to the Purpose.

It is remarkakable with what Art Homer here in a few Words sums up the Miseries of a City taken by Assault.

It had been unpardonable for Cleopatra to have made a long Representation to Meleager of these Miseries, when every Moment that kept him from the Battel could not be spared. It is also to be observed how perfectly the Features of Meleager resemble Achilles, they are both brave Men, ambitious of Glory, both of them describ'd as giving Victory to their several Armies while they fought, and both of them implacable in their Resentment.

Verse 718. Achilles's Answer to Phœnix .] The Character of Achilles is excellently sustain'd in all his Speeches: To Ulysses he returns a flat Denial, and threatens to leave the Trojan Shores in the Morning: To Phœnix he gives a much gentler Answer, and begins to mention Agamemnon with less Disrespect Ατρειδη ηρωι: After Ajax had spoken, he seems determined not to depart, but yet refuses to bear Arms, till it is to defend his own Squadron. Thus Achilles's Character is every where of a Piece: He begins to yield, and not to have done so, would not have spoke him a Man; to have made him perfectly inexorable had shewn him a Monster. Thus the Poet draws the Heat of his Passion cooling by slow Degrees, which is very natural: To have done otherwise, had not been agreeable to Achilles's Temper, nor the Reader's Expectation, to whom it would have been shocking to have seen him passing from the greatest Storm of Anger to a quiet Calmness. Eustathius.

Verse 725. While Life's warm Spirit beats within my Breast.] Eustathius observes here with a great deal of Penetration, that these Words of Achilles include a sort of Oracle, which he does not understand: For it sometimes happens that Men full of their Objects say things, which besides the Sense natural and plain to every Body, include another supernatural, which they themselves do not understand, and which is understood by those only who have Penetration enough to see thro' the Obscurity of it. Thus Oedipus often speaks in Sophocles; and holy Scripture furnishes us with great Examples of Enthusiastick Speeches, which have a double Sense. Here we manifestly see that Achilles in speaking a very simple and common thing, foretells without thinking of it, that his Abode on that fatal Shore will equal the Course of his Life, and consequently that he shall die there: and this double Meaning gives a sensible Pleasure to the Reader. Dacier.

Verse 742. The Speech of Ajax .] I have before spoken of this short Soldier-like Speech of Ajax; Dionysius of Halicarnassus says of it, “that the Person who entreats most, and with most Liberty, who supplicates most, and presses most, is Ajax. It is probable that Ajax rises up when he speaks the word, Let us go. He does not vouchsafe to address himself to Achilles, but turns himself to Ulysses, and speaks with a martial Eloquence.

Verse 751. The Price of Blood discharg'd.] It was the Custom for the Murderer to go into Banishment one Year, but if the Relations of the Person murthered were willing, the Criminal by paying them a certain Fine, might buy off the Exile, and remain at home. (It may not be amiss to observe, that ποινη, quasi φοινη, properly signifies a Mulct paid for Murder.) Ajax sums up this Argument with a great deal of Strength: We see, says he, a Brother forgive the Murder of his Brother, a Father that of his Son. But Achilles will not forgive the Injury offer'd him by taking away one captive Woman. Eustathius.

Verse 757. Revere the Roof, and to thy Guests be kind.] Eustathius says there is some Difficulty in the Original of this Place. Why should Ajax draw an Argument to influence Achilles, by putting him in mind to reverence his own Habitation? The latter Part of the Verse explains the former: We, says Ajax, are under your Roof, and let that protect us from any ill Usage; send us not away from your House with Contempt, who came hither as Friends, as Supplicants, as Embassadors.

Verse 762. Well hast thou spoke, but at the Tyrant's Name My Rage rekindles.] We have here the true Picture of an angry Man, and nothing can be better imagin'd to heighten Achilles's Wrath; he owns that Reason would induce him to a Reconciliation, but his Anger is too great to listen to Reason. He speaks with respect to them, but upon mentioning Agamemnon, he flies into Rage: Anger is in nothing more like Madness, than that Madmen will talk sensibly enough upon any indifferent Matter; but upon the mention of the Subject that caused their Disorder, they fly out into their usual Extravagance.

Verse 811. Such was his Word.] It may be ask'd here why Ulysses speaks only of the Answer which Achilles made him at first, and says nothing of the Disposition to which the Discourses of Phœnix and Ajax had brought him. The Question is easily answer'd; it is because Achilles is obstinate in his Resentment; and that, if at length a little mov'd by Phœnix, and shaken by Ajax, he seem'd dispos'd to take Arms; it is not out of regard to the Greeks, but only to save his own Squadron, when Hector after having put the Greeks to the Sword, shall come to insult it. Thus this inflexible Man abates nothing of his Rage. It is therefore prudent in Ulysses to make this Report to Agamemnon, to the End that being put out of hopes of the Aid with which he flatter'd himself, he may concert with the Leaders of the Army the Measures necessary to save his Fleet and Troops. Eustathius.

Verse 821. Why should we Gifts, &c.] This Speech is admirably adapted to the Character of Diomed, every word is animated with a martial Courage, and worthy to be deliver'd by a gallant Soldier. He advis'd fighting in the beginning of the Book, and continues still in that Opinion; and he is no more concern'd at the Speech of Achilles now, than he was at that of Agamemnon before.