University of Virginia Library

Chapter XV

CROSSING THE GREAT DIVIDE

XV. Lewis's Journal, August 17–20, 1805
Clark's Journal, August 17–20

[Lewis:]

Saturday August 17th. 1805.—

THIS morning I arrose very early and dispatched Drewyer
and the Indian down the river. sent Shields to
hunt. I made M.cNeal cook the remainder of our
meat which afforded a slight breakfast for ourselves and the
Chief. Drewyer had been gone about 2 hours when an Indian
who had straggled some little distance down the river
returned and reported that the whitemen were coming, that
he had seen them just below. they all appeared transported
with joy, & the ch[i]ef repeated his fraturnal hug. I felt quite
as much gratifyed at this information as the Indians appeared
to be. Shortly after Capt. Clark arrived with the Interpreter
Charbono, and the Indian woman, who proved to be a sister
of the Chief Cameahwait. the meeting of those people was
really affecting, particularly between Sah-cah-gar-we-ah and
an Indian woman, who had been taken prisoner at the same
time with her and who, had afterwards escaped from the Minnetares
and rejoined her nation.[1] At noon the Canoes arrived,
and we had the satisfaction once more to find ourselves all
together, with a flattering prospect of being able to obtain as
many horses shortly as would enable us to prosicute our voyage
by land should that by water be deemed unadvisable.

We now formed our camp just below the junction of the
forks on the Lard. side in a level smooth bottom covered with
a fine terf of greenswoard. here we unloaded our canoes and

arranged our baggage on shore; formed a canopy of one of
our large sails and planted some willow brush in the ground
to form a shade for the Indians to set under while we spoke
to them, which we thought it best to do this evening. acordingly
about 4. P.M. we called them together and through the
medium of Labuish, Charbono and Sah-cah-gar-weah, we communicated
to them fully the objects which had brought us into
this distant part of the country, in which we took care to make
them a conspicuous object of our own good wishes and the care
of our government. we made them sensible of their dependance
on the will of our government for every species of merchandize
as well for their defence & comfort; and apprized them of
the strength of our government and it's friendly dispositions
towards them. we also gave them as a reason why we wished
to pe[ne]trate the country as far as the ocean to the west of
them was to examine and find out a more direct way to bring
merchandize to them. that as no trade could be carryed on
with them before our return to our homes that it was mutually
advantageous to them as well as to ourselves that they should
render us such aids as they had it in their power to furnish in
order to haisten our voyage and of course our return home.
that such were their horses to transport our baggage without
which we could not subsist, and that a pilot to conduct us
through the mountains was also necessary if we could not decend
the river by water. but that we did not ask either their
horses or their services without giving a satisfactory compensation
in return. that at present we wished them to collect
as many horses as were necessary to transport our baggage to
their village on the Columbia where we would then trade with
them at our leasure for such horses as they could spare us
They appeared well pleased with what had been said. the
chief thanked us for friendship towards himself and nation &
declared his wish to serve us in every rispect. that he was
sorry to find that it must yet be some time before they could
be furnished with firearms but said they could live as the
had done heretofore untill we brought them as we had promised.
he said they had not horses enough with them at present
to remove our baggage to their village over the mountain
but that he would return tomorrow and encourage his people
to come over with their horses and that he would bring his
own and assist us. this was complying with all we wished at
present. we next enquired who were chiefs among them.
Cameahwait pointed out two others whom he said were Chiefs.
we gave him a medal of the small size with the likeness of Mr.
Jefferson the President of the U' States in releif on one side
and clasp hands with a pipe and tomahawk on the other, to
the other Chiefs we gave each a small medal which were struck
in the Presidency of George Washing[ton] Esqr. we also gave
small medals of the last discription to two young men whom
the 1st. Chief informed us wer good young men and much rispected
among them. we gave the 1st. Chief an uniform coat
shirt a pair of scarlet legings a carrot of tobacco and some
small articles to each of the others we gave a shi[r]t leging[s]
handkerchief a knife some tobacco and a few small articles we
also distributed a good quantity paint mockerson awles knives
beads looking-glasses &c among the other Indians and gave
them a plentifull meal of lyed (hull taken off by being boiled in
lye) corn which was the first they had ever eaten in their lives.
they were much pleased with it. every article about us appeared
to excite astonishment in ther minds; the appearance
of the men, their arms, the canoes, our manner of working
them, the b[l]ack man york and the sagacity of my dog were
equally objects of admiration. I also shot my air-gun which
was so perfectly incomprehensible that they immediately denominated
it the great medicine. the idea which the indians
mean to convey by this appellation is something that eminates
from or acts immediately by the influence or power of the great
sperit; or that, in which, the power of god is manifest by it's
incomprehensible power of action. our hunters killed 4 deer
and an Antelope this evening of which we also gave the Indians
a good proportion. the cerimony of our council and
smoking the pipe was in conformity of the custom of this
nation perfo[r]med bearfoot. on those occasions points of
etiquet are quite as much attended to by the Indians as among
scivilized nations. To keep indians in a good humour you
must not fatiegue them with too much business at one time.
therefore after the council we gave them to eat and amused
them a while by shewing them such articles as we thought
would be entertaining to them, and then renewed our enquiries
with rispect to the country. the information we derived was
only a repetition of that they had given me before and in which
they appeared to be so candid that I could not avoid yeal[d]ing
confidence to what they had said. Capt. Clark and myself
now concerted measures for our future operations, and it was
mutually agreed that he should set out tomorrow morning
with eleven men furnished with axes and other necessary tools
for making canoes, their arms accoutrements and as much of
their baggage as they could carry. also to take the indians,
C[h]arbono and the indian woman with him; that on his
arrival at the Shoshone camp he was to leave Charbono and
the Indian woman to haisten the return of the Indians with
their horses to this place, and to proceede himself with the
eleven men down the Columbia in order to examine the river
and if he found it navigable and could obtain timber to set
about making canoes immediately. In the mean time I was
to bring on the party and baggage to the Shoshone Camp
calculating that by the time I should reach that place that he
would have sufficiently informed himself with rispect to the
state of the river &c. as to determine us whether to prosicute
our journey from thence by land or water. in the forme
case we should want all the horses which we could perchase
and in the latter only to hire the Indians to transport our
baggage to the place at which we made the canoes. in order
to inform me as early as possible of the state of the river he
was to send back one of the men with the necessary information
as soon as he should satisfy himself on this subject. this
plan being settled we gave orders accordingly and the me
prepared for an early march. the nights are very cold and the
sun excessively hot in the day. we have no fuel here but
few dry willow brush. and from the appearance of [the
country I am confident we shall not find game here to sulsist
us many days. these are additional reasons why I conceive
it necessary to get under way as soon as possible. the
morning Capt. Clark had delayed untill 7. A.M. before he set
out just about which time Drewyer arrived with the Indian;
he left the canoes to come on after him, and immediately set
out and joined me as has been before mentioned. The sperits
of the men were now much elated at the prospect of geting
horses.

Courses and distances traveled by Capt. Clark August 17th. 1805.

   

S. 30°. W.	4.	to a high Knob or hill in the forks of Jefferson's River, the same being 10 M. by water. the river making a considerable bend to the Stard. the forks of this river is the most distant point to which the waters of the Missouri are navigable. of course we laid up our canoes at this place and commenced our voyage by land.
Miles	4

[Clark:]

August 17th. Satturday 1805

a fair Cold morning wind S.W. the Thermometer at 42
a O. at Sunrise, We Set out at 7 oClock and proceeded on
to the forks I had not proceeded on one mile before I saw
at a distance Several Indians on horsback comeing towards
me, The Interpreter & Squar who were before me at Some
distance danced for the joyful sight, and She made signs to me
that they were her nation,[2] as I aproached nearer them descovered
one of Capt Lewis party With them dressed in their
Dress; the[y] met me with great Signs of joy, as the Canoes
were proceeding on nearly opposit me, I turned those people
& Joined Capt Lewis who had Camped with 16 of those Snake
Indians at the forks 2 miles in advance. those Indians Sung
all the way to their Camp where the others had provd a cind
[kind] of Shade of Willows Stuck up in a Circle the Three
Chiefs with Capt. Lewis met me with great cordiallity embraced
and took a Seat on a white robe, the Main Chief imediately
tied to my hair Six Small pieces of Shells resembling perl which
is highly Valued by those people and is pr[o]cured from the
nations resideing near the Sea Coast. we then Smoked in
their fassion without Shoes and without much ceremoney and
form.

Capt Lewis informed me he found those people on the Columbia
River about 40 miles from the forks at that place
there was a large camp of them, he had purswaded those
with him to Come and see that what he said was the truth,
they had been under great apprehension all the way, for fear
of their being deceived. The Great Chief of this nation
proved to be the brother of the woman with us and is a man
of Influence Sence & easey & reserved manners, appears to
possess a great deel of Cincerity. The Canoes arrived & unloaded.
every thing appeared to astonish those people. the
appearance of the men, their arms, the Canoes, the Clothing
my black Servent & the Segassity of Capt Lewis's Dog. we
spoke a fiew words to them in the evening respecting our rout
intentions our want of horses &c. & gave them a fiew presents
& medals. we made a number of enquires of those people
about the Columbia River[3] the Countrey game &c. The account
they gave us was verry unfavourable, that the River
abounded in emence falls, one perticularly much higher than
the falls of the Missouri & at the place the mountains Closed
so Close that it was impracticable to pass, & that the ridge
Continued on each Side of perpendicular Clifts inpenetratable
and that no Deer Elk or any game was to be found in that
Countrey, aded to that they informed us that there was no
timber on the river Sufficiently large to make Small Canoes
This information (if true is alarming) I deturmined to go it
advance and examine the Countrey, See if those dificueltes presented
themselves in the gloomey picture in which they painted
them, and if the river was practi[c]able and I could find timber
to build Canoes, those Ideas & plan appear[e]d to be agree
able to Capt Lewis's Ideas on this point, and I selected 11
men, directed them to pack up their baggage Complete themselves
with amunition, take each an ax and Such tools as will
be Soutable to build Canoes, and be ready to Set out at 10
oClock tomorrow morning. Those people greatly pleased
our hunters killed three Deer & an antilope which was eaten
in a Short time the Indians being so harrassed & compelled to

move about in those rugid mountains that they are half Starved
liveing at this time on berries & roots which they geather in
the plains. Those people are not begerley but generous, only
one has asked me for anything and he for powder.

This nation Call themselves Cho-shon-nê the Chief is name
Too-et-te-con'l Black Gun is his war name Ka-me-ah-wah or
come & Smoke. this Chief gave me the following name and
pipe Ka-me-ah-wah. (exchange names, custom I was called by
this name afd by the Snake Inns.)

[Lewis:]

Sunday August 18th. 1805.

This morning while Capt Clark was busily engaged in preparing
for his rout, I exposed some articles to barter with the
Indians for horses as I wished a few at this moment to releive
the men who were going with Capt Clark from the labour of
carrying their baggage, and also one to keep here in order to
pack the meat to camp which the hunters might kill. I soon
obtained three very good horses. for which I gave an uniform
coat, a pair of legings, a few handkerchiefs, three knives and
some other small articles the whole of which did not cost more
than about 20$ in the U' States. the Indians seemed quite as
well pleased with their bargin as I was. the men also purchased
one for an old checked shirt a pair of old legings and a
knife. two of those I purchased Capt. C. took on with him.
at 10 A.M. Capt Clark departed with his detatchment and all
the Indians except 2 men and 2 women who remained with us.
Two of the inferior chiefs were a little displeased at not having
received a present equivolent to that given the first Chief. to
releive this difficulty Capt. Clark bestoed a couple of his old
coats on them and I promised that if they wer active in assisting
me over the mountains with horses that I would give them
an additional present; this seemed perfectly to satisfy them and
they all set out in a good humour. Capt. Clark encamped this
evening near the narrow pass between the hills on Jefferson's
river in the Shoshone Cove. his hunters killed one deer which

the party with the aid of the Indians readily consumed in the
course of the evening. after there departure this morning I
had all the stores and baggage of every discription opened and
aired. and began the operation of forming the packages in
proper parsels for the purpose of transporting them on horseback.
the rain in the evening compelled me to desist from
my operations. I had the raw hides put in the water in order
to cut them in throngs proper for lashing the packages and
forming the necessary geer for pack horses, a business which I
fortunately had not to learn on this occasion. Drewyer Killed
one deer this evening. a beaver was also caught by one of the
party. I had the net arranged and set this evening to catch
some trout which we could see in great abundance at the
bottom of the river. This day I completed my thirty first
year, and conceived that I had in all human probability now
existed about half the period which I am to remain in this
Sublunary world. I reflected that I had as yet done but little,
very little, indeed, to further the hapiness of the human race,
or to advance the information of the succeeding generation. I
viewed with regret the many hours I have spent in indolence,
and now soarly feel the want of that information which those
hours would have given me had they been judiciously expended.
but since they are past and cannot be recalled, I dash from me
the gloomy thought, and resolved in future, to redouble my
exertions and at least indeavour to promote those two primary
objects of human existence, by giving them the aid of that
portion of talents which nature and fortune have bestoed on
me; or in future, to live for mankind, as I have heretofore
lived for myself.

[Clark:]

August 18th. Sunday 1805

Purchased of the Indians three horses for which we gave a
chiefs Coat Some Handkerchiefs a Shirt Legins & a fiew arrow
points &c. I gave two of my coats to two of the under Chiefs
who appeared not well satisfied that the first Chief was dressed
so much finer than themselves, at 10 oClock I set out accompanied

by the Indians except 3 the interpreter and wife,[4] the
fore part of the day worm, at 12 oClock it became hasey with
a mist of rain wind hard from the S.W. and cold which increased
untill night the rain Seased in about two hours. We
proceeded on thro' a wide leavel vallie without wood except
willows & Srubs for 15 miles and Encamped at a place the
high lands approach within 200 yards in 2 points the River
here only 10 yards wide Several Small Streams branching out
on each Side below. all the Indians proceeded on except the
3 Chiefs & two young men. my hunters killed two Deer
which we eate. The Course from the forks is West 9 miles
N. 60°. W. 6 miles. The Latd of the forks agreeable to observations
is 43°–30′–43″ North [actually about 45°][5]

[Lewis:]

Monday August 19th. 1805

This morning I arrose at d[a]ylight and sent out three
hunters. some of the men who were much in want of legings
and mockersons I suffered to dress some skins. the others I
employed in repacking the baggage, making pack saddles &c.
we took up the net this morning but caught no fish. one
beaver was caught in a trap. the frost which perfectly whitened
the grass this morning had a singular appearance to me at this
season. this evening I made a few of the men construct a sein
of willow brush which we hawled and caught a large number
of fine trout and a kind of mullet about 16 Inches long which
I had not seen before. the scales are small, the nose is long
and obtusely pointed and exceeds the under jaw. the mouth
is not large but opens with foalds at the sides, the colour of it's
back and sides is of a bluish brown and belley white; it has
the faggot bones, from which I have supposed it to be of the
mullet kind. the tongue and pallate are smooth and it has no

teeth. it is by no means as good as the trout.[6] the trout are
the same which I first met with at the falls of the Missouri,
they are larger than the speckled trout of our mountains and
equally as well flavored. The hunters returned this evening
with two deer. from what has been said of the Shoshones it
will be readily perceived that they live in a wretched stait of
poverty. yet notwithstanding their extreem poverty they are
not only cheerfull but even gay, fond of gaudy dress and
amusements; like most other Indians they are great egotists
and frequently boast of heroic acts which they never performed.
they are also fond of games of wrisk. they are frank, communicative,
fair in dealing, generous with the little they possess,
extreemly honest, and by no means beggarly. each individual
is his own sovereign master, and acts from the dictates of his
own mind; the authority of the Cheif being nothing more
than mere admonition supported by the influence which the
prop[r]iety of his own examplary conduct may have acquired
him in the minds of the individuals who compose the band.
the title of cheif is not hereditary, nor can I learn that there
is any cerimony of instalment, or other epo[c]h in the life of a
Cheif from which his title as such can be dated. in fact every
man is a chief, but all have not an equal influence on the minds
of the other members of the community, and he who happens
to enjoy the greatest share of confidence is the principal Chief.
The Shoshonees may be estimated at about 100 warriors, and
about three times that number of woomen and children. they
have more children among them than I expected to have seen
among a people who procure subsistence with such difficulty.
there are but few very old persons, nor did they appear to treat
those with much tenderness or rispect. The man is the sole
propryetor of his wives and daughters, and can barter or dispose
of either as he thinks proper. a plurality of wives is common
among them, but these are not generally sisters as with the
Minnitares & Mandans but are purchased of different fathers.
The father frequently disposes of his infant daughters in marriage
to men who are grown or to men who have sons for whom
they think proper to provide wives. the compensation given in
such cases usually consists of horses or mules which the father
receives at the time of contract and converts to his own uce.
the girl remains with her parents untill she is conceived to have
obtained the age of puberty which with them is considered to
be about the age of 13 or 14 years. the female at this age is
surrendered to her soveriegn lord and husband agreeably to
contract, and with her is frequently restored by the father
quite as much as he received in the first instance in payment
for his daughter; but this is discretionary with the father.
Sah-car-gar-we-ah had been thus disposed of before she was
taken by the Minnetares, or had arrived to the years of
puberty. the husband was yet living with this band. he was
more than double her age and had two other wives. he
claimed her as his wife but said that as she had had a child by
another man, who was Charbono, that he did not want her.
They seldom correct their children particularly the boys who
soon become masters of their own acts. they give as a reason
that it cows and breaks the sperit of the boy to whip him, and
that he never recovers his independence of mind after he is
grown. They treat their women but with little rispect, and
compel them to perform every species of drudgery. they
collect the wild fruits and roots, attend to the horses or assist
in that duty, cook, dress the skins and make all their apparel,
collect wood and make their fires, arrange and form their lodges,
and when they travel pack the horses and take charge of all
the baggage; in short the man dose little else except attend
his horses hunt and fish. the man considers himself degraded
if he is compelled to walk any distance; and if he is so unfortunately
poor as only to possess two horses he rides the best
himself and leavs the woman or women if he has more than
one, to transport their baggage and children on the other,
and to walk if the horse is unable to carry the additional
weight of their persons. the chastity of their women is not
held in high estimation, and the husband will for a trifle barter
the companion of his bead for a night or longer if he conceives
the reward adiquate; tho' they are not so importunate that we
should caress their women as the siouxs were. and some of
their women appear to be held more sacred than in any nation
we have seen. I have requested the men to give them no
cause of jealousy by having connection with their women without
their knowledge, which with them, strange as it may seem
is considered as disgracefull to the husband, as clandestine
connections of a similar kind are among civilized nations. to
prevent this mutual exchange of good officies altogether I
know it impossible to effect, particularly on the part of our
young men whom some months abstanence have made very
polite to those tawney damsels. no evil has yet resulted and
I hope will not from these connections. notwithstanding the
late loss of horses which this people sustained by the Minnetares
the stock of the band may be very safely estimated at
seven hundred of which they are perhaps about 40 coalts and
half that number of mules. these people are deminutive in
stature, thick ankles, crooked legs, thick flat feet and in short
but illy formed, at least much more so in general than any
nation of Indians I ever saw. their complexion is much that
of the Siouxs or darker than the Minnetares Mandands or
Shawnees. generally both men and women wear their hair
in a loos lank flow over the sholders and face; tho' I observed
some few men who confined their hair in two equal cues hanging
over each ear and drawnn in front of the body. the cue
is formed with throngs of dressed leather or Otterskin a[l]ternately
crossing each other. at present most of them have
their hair cut short in the neck in consequence of the loss of
their relations by the Minnetares. Cameahwait has his cut
close all over his head. this constitutes their cerimony of
morning for their deceased relations. the dress of the men
consists of a robe long legings, shirt, tippet and Mockersons
that of the women is also a robe, chemise, and Mockersons
sometimes they make use of short legings. the ornements of
both men and women are very similar, and consist of several
species of sea shells, blue and white beads, bras and Iron arn
bands, plaited cords of the sweet grass, and collars of leather
ornamented with the quills of the porcupine dyed of various
colours among which I observed the red, yellow, blue, and
black. the ear is purforated in the lower part to receive
various ornaments but the nose is not, nor is the ear lasserated
or disvigored for this purpose as among many nations. the
men never mark their skins by birning, cuting, nor puncturing
and introducing a colouring matter as many nations do. there
women sometimes puncture a small circle on their forehead
nose or cheeks and thus introduce a black matter usually soot
and grease which leaves an indelible stane. tho' this even is by
no means common. their arms offensive and defensive consist
in the bow and arrows shield, some, lances, and a weapon
called by the Cippeways who formerly used it, the pog-gar'-mag-gon'.[7]
in fishing they employ wairs, gigs, and fishing
hooks. the salmon is the principal object of their pursuit.
they snair wolves and foxes. I was anxious to learn whether
these people had the venerial, and made the enquiry through
the intrepreter and his wife; the information was that they
sometimes had it but I could not learn their remedy; they
most usually die with it's effects. this seems a strong proof
that these disorders bothe ganaræhah [gonorrhea] and Louis
Veneræ are native disorders of America. tho' these people
have suffered much by the small pox which is known to be
imported and perhaps those other disorders might have been
contracted from other indian tribes who by a round of communications
might have obtained from the Europeans since
it was introduced into that quarter of the globe. but so
much detatched on the other ha[n]d from all communication
with the whites that I think it most probable that those
disorders are original with them. from the middle of May
to the first of September these people reside on the waters
of the Columbia where they consider themselves in perfect
security from their enimies as they have not as yet ever
found their way to this retreat; during this season the
salmon furnish the principal part of their subsistence and as
this fish either perishes or returns about the 1st. of September
they are compelled at this season in surch of subsistence to
resort to the Missouri, in the vallies of which, there is more
game even within the mountains. here they move slowly
down the river in order to collect and join other bands either
of their own nation or the Flatheads, and having become sufficiently
strong as they conceive venture on the Eastern side of
the Rockey mountains into the plains, where the buffaloe
abound. but they never leave the interior of the mountains
while they can obtain a scanty subsistence, and always return
as soon as they have acquired a good stock of dryed meat in
the plains; when this stock is consumed they venture again
into the plains; thus alternately obtaining their food at the
risk of their lives and retiring to the mountains, while they
consume it. These people are now on the eve of their departure
for the Missouri, and inform us that they expect to be
joined at or about the three forks by several bands of their
own nation, and a band of the Flatheads. as I am now two
busily engaged to enter at once into a minute discription of the
several articles which compose their dress, impliments of war
hunting fishing &c I shall pursue them at my leasure in the
order they have here occurred to my mind, and have been
mentioned.[8] This morning capt. Clark continued his rout with
his party, the Indians accompanying him as yesterday; he was
obliged to feed them. nothing remarkable happened during
the day. he was met by an Indian with two mules on this
side of the dividing ridge at the foot of the mountain, the
Indian had the politeness to offer Capt. C. one of his mules to
ride as he was on foot, which he accepted and gave the fellow
a waistcoat as a reward for his politeness. in the evening he
reached the creek on this side of the Indian camp and halted
for the night. his hunters killed nothing today. The Indians
value their mules very highly. a good mule can not be obtained
for less than three and sometimes four horses, and the
most indifferent are rated at two horses. their mules generally
are the finest I ever saw without any comparison. today I
observed time and distance of ☉'s and D's. nearest limbs with
sextant ☉ East. it being the

Point of Observation No. 43.

             

	Time	Distance		Time	Distance
	h m s	o ′ ″		h m s	o ′ ″
A.M.	11. 37. 11.	56. 53. 15.	A.M.	11. 51. 37	65. 47. 15.
	". 39. 50.	". 52. –.		". 54. 43.	". 45. 30.
	". 44. 15.	" 50. 45.		". 55. 53.	". 44. 15.
	". 46. 18.	". 49. –.		". 57. 40.	". 43. 30.
				". 59. 30.	". 42. 30.

     

Observed Meridian Altitude of ☉'s. L.L. with
Octant by the back observation	69°. 15′.—″.
Latitude deduced from this observation.	N. 44°. 37′. 57″.4.

[Clark:]

August 19th Monday 1805.

A verry Cold morning Frost to be seen we Set out at
7 oClock and proceeded on thro a wide leavel Vallie the
Chief shew[ed] me the place that a number of his nation was
killed about 1 years past this Vallie (wheel Vallie) Continues
5 miles & then becoms narrow, the beaver has Damed up
the River in maney places we proceeded on up the main
branch with a gradial assent to the head and passed over a low
mountain and Decended a Steep Decent to a butifull Stream,
passed over a Second hill of a verry Steep assent & thro a
hilley Countrey for 8 miles an[d] Encamped on a Small Stream,
the Indians with us we wer oblige[d] to feed. one man met
me with a mule & Spanish Saddle to ride, I gave him a westcoat
a mule is considered a of great value among those people
we proceeded on over a verry mountainous Countrey across
the head of hollows & Springs.

[Lewis:]

Tuesday August 20th. 1805.

This morning I sent out the two hunters and employed the
ballance of the party pretty much as yesterday. I walked
down the river about 3/4 of a mile and scelected a place near
the river bank unperceived by the Indians for a cash, which I
set three men to make, and directed the centinel to discharge
his gun if he pereceived any of the Indians going down in that
direction which was to be the signal for the men at work on

the cash to desist and separate, least these people should discover
our deposit and rob us of the baggage we intend leaving
here. by evening the cash was completed unperceived by the
Indians, and all our packages made up. the Pack-saddles and
harnes is not yet complete. in this operation we find ourselves
at a loss for nails and boards; for the first we substitute
throngs of raw hide which answer verry well, and for the last
[had] to cut off the blades of our oars and use the plank of
some boxes which have heretofore held other articles and put
those articles into sacks of raw hide which I have had made for
the purpose. by this means I have obtained as many boards
as will make 20 saddles which I suppose will be sufficient for
our present exegencies. The Indians with us behave themselves
extreemly well; the women have been busily engaged
all day making and mending the mockersons of our party. In
the evening the hunters returned unsuccessfull. Drewyer went
in search of his trap which a beaver had taken off last night;
he found the beaver dead with the trap to his foot about 2 miles
below the place he had set it. this beaver constituted the
whole of the game taken today. the fur of this animal is as
good as I ever saw any, and beleive that they are never out of
season on the upper part of the Missouri and it's branches
within the mountains. Goodrich caught several douzen fine
trout today. I made up a small assortment of medicines,
together with the specemines of plants, minerals, seeds &c,
which, I have collected betwen this place and the falls of the
Missouri which I shall deposit here. the robe woarn by the
Sho-sho-nees is the same in both sexes and is loosly thrown
about their sholders, and the sides at pleasure either hanging
loose or drawn together with the hands; sometimes if the
weather is cold they confine it with a girdel arround the waist;
they are generally about the size of a 2 1/2 point blanket for
grown persons and reach as low as the middle of the leg. this
robe forms a garment in the day and constitutes their only
covering at night. with these people the robe is formed most
commonly of the skins of Antelope, Bighorn, or deer, dressed
with the hair on, tho' they prefer the buffaloe when they can
procure them. I have also observed some robes among them
of beaver, moonox,[9] and small wolves. the summer robes of
both sexes are also frequently made of the Elk's skin dressed
without the hair. The shirt of the men is really a commodious
and decent garment. it [is] roomy and reaches nearly half
way the thye, there is no collar, the apperture being sufficiently
large to admit the head and is left square at top, or most frequently,
both before and behind terminate[s] in the tails of the
animals of which they are made and which foald outwards being
frequently left entire, or somtimes cut into a fring[e] on the
edges and ornimented with the quills of the Porcupine. the
sides of the shirt are sewed, deeply fringed, and ornamented in
a similar manner from the bottom upwards, within six or eight
inches of the sleve from whence it is left open as well as the
sleve on it's under side to the elbow nearly. from the elbow
the sleve fits the arm tight as low as the wrist and is not
ornimented with a fringe as the side and under parts of the
sleve are above the elbow. the sholder straps are wide and on
them is generally displayed the taste of the manufacterer in a
variety of figures wrought with the quills of the porcupine of
several colours; beads when they have them are also displayed
on this part. the tail of the shirt is left in the form which the
fore legs and neck give it with the addition of a slight fringe.
the hair is usually left on the tail, & near the hoofs of the
animal; part of the hoof is also retained to the skin and is
split into a fring by way of orniment. these shirts are generally
made of deer's, Antelope's Bighorn's, or Elk's skins dressed
without the hair. the Elk skin is less used for this purpose
than either of the others. their only thread used on this or
any other occasion is the sinews taken from the back and loins
of the deer Elk buffaloe &c. their legings are most usually
formed of the skins of the Antelope dressed without the hair.
in the men they are very long and full each leging being
formed of a skin nearly entire. the legs, tail and neck are also
left on these, and the tail woarn upwards, and the neck deeply
fringed and ornimented with porcupine qu[i]lls drags or trails
on the ground behind the heel. the skin is sewn in such
manner as to fit the leg and thye closely; the upper part being
left open a sufficient distance to permit the legs of the skin in to
be dra[w]n underneath a girdle both before and behind and
the wide part of the skin to cover the buttock and lap before
in such manner that the breechcloth is unnecessary. they are
much more decent in concealing those parts than any nation on
the Missouri the sides of the legings are also deeply fringed
and ornimented. sometimes this part is ornimented with little
fassicles of the hair of an enimy whom they have slain in battle.
The tippet of the Snake Indians is the most eligant peice of
Indian dress I ever saw. the neck or collar of this is formed
of a strip of dressed Otter skin with the fur. it is about four or
five inches wide and is cut out of the back of the skin the nose
and eyes forming one extremity and the tail the other. begining
a little behind the ear of the animal at one edge of this
collar and proceeding towards the tail, they attatch from one to
two hundred and fifty little roles of Ermin skin formed in the
following manner. the skin is first dressed with the fur on it
and a narrow strip is cut out of the back of the skin reaching
from the nose and imbracing the tail. this is sewed arround a
small cord of the silk-grass[10] twisted for the purpose and regularly
tapering in such manner as to give it a just proportion to
the tail which is to form the lower extremity of the stran[d].
thus arranged they are confined at the upper point in little
bundles of two, three, or more as the disign may be to make
them more full; these are then attatched to the collars as before
mentioned, and to conceal the connection of this part which
would otherwise have a course appearance they attatch a broad
fringe of the Ermin skin to the collar overlaying that part.
little bundles of fine fringe of the same materials is fastened to
the extremity of the tails in order to shew their black extremities
to greater advantage. the center of the otterskin collar is
also ornamented with the shells of the perl oister.[11] the collar
is confined aro[u]nd the neck and the little roles of Ermin
skin about the size of a large quill covers the solders and body
nearly to the waist and has the appearance of a short cloak and
is really handsome. these they esteem very highly, and give
or dispose of only on important occasions. the ermin whic[h]
is known to the traiders of the N.W. by the name of the white
weasel is the genuine ermine,[12] and might no doubt be turned
to great advantage by those people if they would encourage
the Indians to take them. they are no doubt extreemly plenty,
and readily taken, from the number of these tippets which I
have seen among these people and the great number of skins
employed in the construction of each tippet. scarcely any of
them have employed less than one hundred of these skins in
their formation. This morning Capt. Clark set out at 6 in the
morning and soon after arrived near their camp they [the Shoshones]
having removed about 2 miles higher up the river than
the camp at which they were when I first visited them. the
chief requested a halt, which was complyed with, and a number
of the indians came out from the village and joined them after
smoking a few pipes with them they all proceeded to the village
where Capt. C. was conducted to a large lodge prepared in
the center of the encampment for himself and party. here they
gave him one salmon and some cakes of dryed berries. he now
repeated to them what had been said to them in council at this
place which was repeated to the village by the Cheif. when he
had concluded this address he requested a guide to accompany
him down the river and an elderly man was pointed out by the
Chief who consented to undertake this task. this was the old
man of whom Cameahwait had spoken as a person well acquainted
with the country to the North of this river. Capt. C.
[had Conversations][13]

I now prevailed on the Chief to instruct me with respect to
the geography of his country. this he undertook very cheerfully,
by delienating the rivers on the ground. but I soon
found that his information fell far short of my expectation or
wishes. he drew the river on which we now are [i. e., Lemhi]
to which he placed two branches just above us, which he
shewed me from the openings of the mountains were in view;
he next made it discharge itself into a large river which flowed
from the S.W. about ten miles below us, then continued this
joint stream in the same direction of this valley or N.W. for
one days march and then enclined it to the West for 2 more
days march. here he placed a number of heaps of sand on
each side which he informed me represented the vast mountains
of rock eternally covered with snow through which the
river passed. that the perpendicular and even juting rocks so
closely hemned in the river that there was no possibil[it]y of
passing along the shore; that the bed of the river was obstructed
by sharp pointed rocks and the rapidity of the stream
such that the whole surface of the river was beat into perfect
foam as far as the eye could reach. that the mountains were
also inaccessible to man or horse. he said that this being the
state of the country in that direction that himself nor none of
his nation had ever been further down the river than these
mountains. I then enquired the state of the country on either
side of the river but he could not inform me. he said there
was an old man of his nation a days march below who could
probably give me some information of the country to the
N.W. and refered me to an old man then present for that to
the S.W. the Chief further informed me that he had understood
from the persed nosed[14] Indians who inhabit this river
below the rocky mountains that it ran a great way toward the
seting sun and finally lost itself in a great lake of water which
was illy taisted, and where the white men lived. I next commenced
my enquiries of the old man to whom I had been
refered for information relative the country SW. of us. this

he depicted with horrors and obstructions scarcely inferior to
that just mentioned. he informed me that the band of this
nation to which he belonged resided at the distance of 20 days
march from hence not far from the white people with whom
they traded for horses mules cloth metal beads and the shells
which they woar as orniment being those of a species of perl
oister. that the course to his relations was a little to the West
of South. that in order to get to his relations the first seven
days we should be obliged to climb over steep and rocky
mountains where we could find no game to kill nor anything
but roots such as a ferce and warlike nation lived on whom he
called the broken mockersons or mockersons with holes, and
said inhabited those mountains and lived like the bear of other
countries among the rocks and fed on roots or the flesh of
such horses as they could take or steel from those who passed
through their country. that in passing this country the feet
of our horses would be so much wounded with the stones
many of them would give out. the next part of the rout was
about 10 days through a dry and parched sandy desert in
which [there is] no food at this season for either man or
horse, and in which we must suffer if not perish for the want
of water. that the sun had now dryed up the little pools of
water which exist through this desert plain in the spring
season and had also scorched all the grass. that no animal
inhabited this plain on which we could hope to subsist. that
about the center of this plain a large river passed from S.E. to
N.W. which was navigable but afforded neither Salmon nor
timber. that beyond this plain th[r]ee or four days march
his relations lived in a country tolerable fertile and partially
covered with timber on another large river which ran in the
same direction of the former. that this last discharged itself
into a large river on which many numerous nations lived with
whom his relations were at war but whether this last discharged
itself into the great lake or not he did not know. that from
his relations it was yet a great distance to the great or stinking
lake as they call the Ocean. that the way which such of his
nation as had been to the Stinking lake traveled was up the
river on which they lived and over to that on which the white
people lived which last they knew discharged itself into the
Ocean, and that this was the way which he would advise me
to travel if I was determined to proceed to the Ocean but
would advise me to put off the journey untill the next spring
when he would conduct me. I thanked him for his information
and advise and gave him a knife with which he appeared
to be much gratifyed. from this narative I was convinced that
the streams of which he had spoken as runing through the
plains and that on which his relations lived were southern
branches of the Columbia, heading with the rivers Apostles
and Collorado, and that the rout he had pointed out was to
the Vermillion Sea or gulph of Callifornia. I therefore told
him that this rout was more to the South than I wished to
travel, and requested to know if there was no rout on the left
of this river on which we now are, by means of which, I could
intercept it below the mountains through which it passes; but
he could not inform me of any except that of the barren plain
which he said joined the mountain on that side and through
which it was impossible for us to pass at this season even if we
were fortunate enough to escape from the broken mockerson
Indians. I now asked Cameahwait by what rout the Pierced
nosed indians, who he informed me inhabited this river below
the mountains, came over to the Missouri; this he informed
me was to the north, but added that the road was a very bad
one as he had been informed by them and that they had
suffered excessively with hunger on the rout being obliged to
subsist for many days on berries alone as there was no game
in that part of the mountains which were broken rockey and
so thickly covered with timber that they could scarcely pass.
however knowing that Indians had passed, and did pass, at
this season on that side of this river to the same below the
mountains, my rout was instantly settled in my own mind,
p[r]ovided the account of this river should prove true on an
investigation of it, which I was determined should be made
before we would undertake the rout by land in any direction.
I felt perfectly satisfyed, that if the Indians could pass these
mountains with their women and Children, that we could also
pass them; and that if the nations on this river below the
mountains were as numerous as they were stated to be that
they must have some means of subsistence which it would be
equally in our power to procure in the same country. they
informed me that there was no buffaloe on the West side of
these mountains; that the game consisted of a few Elk deer
and Antelopes, and that the natives subsisted on fish and
roots principally. in this manner I spent the day smoking
with them and acquiring what information I could with respect
to their country. they informed me that they could pass to
the Spaniards by the way of the yellowstone river in 10 days.
I can discover that these people are by no means friendly to
the Spaniards. their complaint is, that the Spaniards will not
let them have fire arms and amunition, that they put them off
by telling them that if they suffer them to have guns they will
kill each other, thus leaving them defenceless and an easy prey
to their bloodthirsty neighbours to the East of them, who
being in possession of fire arms hunt them up and murder
them without rispect to sex or age and plunder them of their
horses on all occasions. they told me that to avoid their
enemies who were eternally harrassing them that they were
obliged to remain in the interior of these mountains at least
two thirds of the year where the[y] suffered as we then saw
great heardships for the want of food sometimes living for
weeks without meat and only a little fish roots and berries.
but this added Câmeahwait, with his ferce eyes and lank jaws
grown meager for the want of food, would not be the case if
we had guns, we could then live in the country of buffaloe and
eat as our enimies do and not be compelled to hide ourselves
in these mountains and live on roots and berries as the bear
do. we do not fear our enimies when placed on an equal footing
with them. I told them that the Minnetares Mandans &
recares of the Missouri had promised us to desist from making
war on them & that we would indevour to find the means of
making the Minnetares of fort d Prarie or as they call them
Pahkees desist from waging war against them also. that after
our finally returning to our homes towards the rising sun
whitemen would come to them with an abundance of guns and
every other article necessary to their defence and comfort,
and that they would be enabled to supply themselves with
these articles on reasonable terms in exchange for the skins of
the beaver Otter and Ermin so abundant in their country.
they expressed great pleasure at this information and said they
had been long anxious to see the whitemen that traded guns;
and that we might rest assured of their friendship and that they
would do whatever we wished them.[15]

Capt C. [then] encouraged the Indians to come over with
their horses and assist me over with the baggage. he distrubuted
some presents among the Indians. about half the
men of the village turned out to hunt the antelope but were
unsuccessfull. at 3 P.M. Capt. Clark departed, accompanyed
by his guide and party except one man whom he left with
orders to purchase a horse if possible and overtake him as soon
as he could. he left Charbono and the indian woman to return
to my camp with the Indians. he passed the river about four
miles below the Indians, and encamped on a small branch,
eight miles distant. on his way he met a rispectable looking
indian who returned and continued with him all night; this
indian gave them three salmon. Capt. C. killed a cock of the
plains or mountain cock. it was of a dark brown colour with
a long and pointed tail, larger than the dunghill fowl and had
a fleshey protuberant substance about the base of the upper
chap, something like that of the turkey tho' without the snout.

This day I observed time and distance of ☉'s. and D's. nearest Limbs
with Sextant. ☉ East.

                   

	Time	Distance.		Time	Distance
	h m s	o ′ ″		h m s	o ′ ″
A.M.	8. 16. 0	53. 35. 30.	A.M.	8. 33. 29.	53. 27. 45.
	". 18. 36.	". 33. 30.		". 34. 14.	". 27. 30.
	". 21. 37.	". 31. 45.		". 35. 31.	". 27. –.
	". 23. 12.	". 31. 30.		". 36. 43.	". 26. 45.
	". 25. –.	". 30. 45		". 37. 12.	". 26. –.
	". 27. 32.	". 29. 30		". 39. 20.	". 25. 15.
	". 29. 5.	". 29. –.		". 40. 32.	". 25. –.
	". 30. 11.	". 28. 45.

         

Longitude deduced from this observation.
West of Greenwich [blank space in MS.]
Latitude N. deduced from the Hor. 〈 of the P.M.	o ′ ″
Observation of ☉'s. center	44. 33. 50.5
Observed Equal Altitudes with Sextant of the Sun.

     

A.M.	8. 45. 30.	P.M.	3. 55. 40.	Altitude by Sextant at the time of obsert.
	". 47. 4.		". 57. 16.
	". 49. 40.		". 58. 50.	68°. 30′.—″.

       

Observed Meridian Altitude of ☉'s L.L. with	o ′ ″
Octant by the back observation	70.—.—.
	° ′ ″
Latitude deduced from this observation.	N. 44. 39. 43.

[Clark:]

August 20th. Tuesday 1805 "So-So-ne" the Snake Indians

Set out at half past 6 oClock and proceeded on (met maney
parties of Indians) thro' a hilley Countrey to the Camp of the
Indians on a branch of the Columbia River, before we entered
this Camp a Serimonious hault was requested by the Chief and
I smoked with all that Came around, for Several pipes, we
then proceeded on to the Camp & I was introduced into the
only Lodge they had which was pitched in the Center for my
party all the other Lodges made of bushes,[16] after a fiew Indian
Seremonies I informed the Indians [of] the object of our
journey our good intentions towards them my Consirn for their
distressed Situation, what we had done for them in makeing a
piece with the Minitarras Mandans Rickara &c. for them. and
requested them all to take over their horses & assist Capt Lewis
across &c. also informing them the o[b]ject of my journey
down the river, and requested a guide to accompany me, all of
which was repeited by the Chief to the whole village.

Those pore people Could only raise a Sammon & a little
dried Choke Cherries for us half the men of the tribe with
the Chief turned out to hunt the antilopes, at 3 oClock after
giveing a fiew Small articles as presents I set out accompanied

by an old man as a Guide I endevered to procure as much
information from thos people as possible without much Suckcess
they being but little acquainted or effecting to be So. I
left one man to purchase a horse and overtake me and proceeded
on thro a wide rich bottom on a beaten Roade 8 miles
Crossed the river and encamped on a Small run, this evening
passed a number of old lodges, and met a number of men
women children & horses, met a man who appeared of Some
Consideration who turned back with us, he halted a woman
& gave us 3 Small Sammon, this man continued with me all
night and partook of what I had which was a little Pork verry
Salt. Those Indians are verry attentive to Strangers &c. I
left our interpreter & his woman to accompany the Indians to
Capt Lewis tomorrow the Day they informed me they would
Set out I killed a Pheasent at the Indian Camp larger than
a dungal [dunghill] fowl with f[l]eshey protubrances about
the head like a turkey. Frost last night.